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IV.S.-CAoIiAwX

publications of tf)e prince ^oeiet^.

THE NEW

ENGLISH CANAAN

THE

^ttiJltcations of ti^e prince ^ocietj

Eftabliflied May 25th, 1858.

THE NEW

ENGLISH CANAAN

Boston:

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY,

By John Wilson and Son.
1883.

TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES.

THE

ENGLISH CANAAN

THOMAS MORTON.

WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr. Fd.tbv-

930St0n:

PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY.
1883.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by

The Prince Society,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

!Et(tt0r :

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Page

Preface v-vi

Thomas Morton of Merry-Mount 1-98

Bibliography of New English Canaan 99-105

New English Canaan 106-345

Book I. The Origin of the Natives ; their Manners and

Cuftoms 115-78

Book II. A Defcription of the Beauty of the Country . . 179-242
Book III. A Defcription of the People ....... 243-345

Table of Contents of the New English Canaan .... 347-9

Officers of the Prince Society 353

The Prince Society, 1883 354-8

Publications of the Prince Society 359

Volumes in Preparation by the Prince Society .... 360

Index 361-81

PREFACE.

EFORE undertaking the prefent work I had no expe-
rience as an editor. It is unneceffary for me to fay,
therefore, that, were I now to undertake it, I Ihould
purfue a fomewhat different courfe from that which
I have purfued. The New Engli/h Canaan is, in many
refpedts, a fingular book. One of its moft fmgular features is the
extent of ground it covers. Not only is it full of obfcure refer-
ences to incidents in early New England hiftory, but it deals dire6lly
with the aborigines, the trees, animals, fifh, birds and geology of
the region ; befides having conftant incidental allufions to literature,
— both claffic and of the author's time, — to geography, and to then
current events. No one perfon can poffefs the knowledge neceffary
to thoroughly cover fo large a field. To edit properly he muft have
recourfe to fpecialifts.

It was only as the labor of inveftigation increafed on my hands
that I realized what a wealth of fcientific and fpecial knowledge was
to be reached, in the neighborhood of Bofton, by any one engaged in
fuch multifarious inquiry. Were I again to enter upon it I fhould
confine my own labors chiefly to correfpondence ; for on every point
which comes up there is fome one now in this vicinity, if he can only
be found out, who has made a ftudy of it, and has more information
than the moft laborious and fkilful of editors can acquire.

VI Preface.

In this edition of the New Canaan I have not laid fo many of
thefe fpeciahfts as I now wiih, under requifition ; and yet the Uft is
a tolerably extenfive one. In every cafe, alfo, the affiftance afked for
has been rendered as of courfe, in the true fcientific fpirit. My cor-
refpondence has included Meffrs. Deane, Winfor and Ellis on events
in early New England hiftory ; Profeffor Whitney on geographical
allufions ; Profeffors Lane and Greenough, Dr. Everett and Mr. T.
W. Higginfon, on references to the Greek and Latin claffics, or quo-
tations from them ; and the Rev. Mr. Norton on Scriptural allufions.
Mr. J. C. Gray has hunted up for me legal precedents five centuries
old, and Mr. Lindfay Swift has explained archaic expreffions, to the
meaning of which I could get no clew. On the fubje6l of trees and
herbs I called on Profeffors Gray and Sargent ; in regard to birds,
Mr. William Brewfter was indefatigable ; Mr. Allen, though in very
poor health, took the chapter on animals ; Profeffor Shaler difpofed
of the geology ; Meffrs. Agaffiz and Lyman inftrudled me as to fifh,
and Profeffor Putnam as to fhell-heaps. I met fome allufions to
early French and other explorers, and naturally had recourfe to
Meffrs. Parkman and Slafter ; while in regard to Indian words and
names, I have been in conftant correfpondence with the one author-
ity, Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull, who has recognized to the fulleft
extent the public obligation which a maftery of a fpecial fubjedt
impofes on him who mafters it.

In clofing a pleafant editorial tafk, my chief regret, therefore, is
that the notes in this volume contain fo much matter of my own.
They fhould have been even more ecle6tic than they are, and each
from the high eft poffible authority on the fubjedl to which it
relates.

C. F. A., Jr.

QuiNCY, Mass., April 4, 1883.

MORTON OF MERRY -MOUNT.

N the fecond book of his hiftory of Plymouth
Plantation, Governor Bradford, while dealing
with the events of the year 1628 though writing
at a ftill later period, fays : —

" Aboute fome three or four years before this time, ther came over one
Captaine Wolaftone (a man of pretie parts) , and with him three or four more
of fome eminencie, who brought with them a great many fervants, with pro-
vifions and other implaments for to begine a plantation ; and pitched them-
felves in a place within the Maffachufets, which they called, after their
Captains name, Mount-WoUaflon. Amongft whom was one Mr. Morton,
who, it fhould feeme, had fome fmall adventure (of his owne or other mens)
amongft them." ^

There is no other known record of Wollafton than that
contained in this paffage of Bradford.^ His given name

even

^ Bradford, pp. 235-6.

2 A Captain Wollifton is mentioned
by Smith {Defcription of New England^
III. Mafs. Hilt. Coll., vol. vi. p. 136) as
the lieutenant of ''one Captain Barra,
an Englifh pirate, in a fmall fhip, with
fome twelve pieces of ordnance, about

thirty men and near all flarved," whom
Smith encountered in 161 5, while a cap-
tive in the hands of the French free-
booters. Though it has found a place
in biographical di6lionaries on account
of two eminent men of one family from
Staffordfhire who bore it, the name of

Wollafton

2 Thomas Morton

even is not mentioned. It may be furmifed with tolerable
certainty that he was one of the numerous traders, generally
from Briftol or the Weft of England, who frequented the
fifhing grounds and the adjacent American coafl during the
early years of the feventeenth century. Nothing is aftually
known of him, however, until in 1625 he appeared in Maffa-
chufetts Bay, as Bofton Harbor was then called, at the head
of the expedition which Bradford mentions.

His purpofe and that of his companions was to eftablifh
a plantation and trading-pofl in the country of the Maffa-
chufetts tribe of Indians. It was the third attempt of the
kind which had been made fmce the fettlement at Plym-
outh, a little more than four years before. The firfl of thefe
attempts had been that of Thomas Wefton at Weffaguffet,
or Weymouth, in the fummer of 1622. This had refulted
in a complete failure, the ftory of which is told by Bradford
and Winflow, and forms one of the more ftriking pages in
the annals of early New England. The fecond attempt,
and that which next preceded Wollafton's, had clofely fol-
lowed the firft, being made in the fummer of 1623, under
the immediate dire6lion of the Council for New England.
At the head of it was Captain Robert Gorges, a younger
fon of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Wefton 's expedition was a

mere

Wollafton is rarely met with. It is not Wollifton, therefore, whom Smith fell

found, for inftance, in the prefent di- in with in 1615 may have been, and

reftories of either Bofton or New York, probably was, the fame who ten years

and but twice in that of Philadelphia, later gave his name to the hill on

It has been given to iflands in both the Quincy Bay. It is not likely that two

Ar6lic and the Antar6lic oceans, but Captain Wollaflons were fea-adventur-

the family to which it belonged feems ers at the fame time. That it actually

to have originated in an inland Englifh was the fame man is, however, matter

county. (Lower's Patronyinica Britan- of pure furmife.
nicd). The Captain, or Lieutenant,

Of Merry-Mount 3

mere trading venture, having little connexion with anything
which went before or which came after. That of Gorges,
however, was fomething more. As will prefently be feen,
it had a diftindl political and religious fignificance.

Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Bofton Bay in
1623, during what is now the latter part of September.
They eflablifhed themfelves in the buildings which had
been occupied by Wefton's people during the previous win-
ter, and which had been deferted by them a few days lefs
than fix months before. The fite of thofe buildings cannot
be definitely fixed. It is fuppofed to have been on Phillips
Creek, a fmall tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a fhort
diflance above the Quincy-Point bridge. The grant made
to Robert Gorges by the Council for New England, and
upon which he probably intended to place his party, was on
the other fide of the bay, covering ten miles of fea-front and
ftretching thirty miles into the interior. It was fubfe-
quently pronounced void by the lawyers on the ground of
being " loofe and uncertain," but as nearly as can now be
fixed it covered the fhore between Nahant and the mouth
of the Charles, and the region back of that as far wefl as
Concord and Sudbury, including Lynn and the moil thickly
inhabited portions of the prefent county of Middlefex.

Reaching New England, however, late in the feafon,
Gorges's firft anxiety was to fecure fhelter for his party
againft the impending winter, for the frofts had already
begun. Fortunately the few favages thereabouts had been
warned by Governor Bradford not to injure the WelTa-
guffet buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome flielter
to the newcomers. Thefe were people of a very different

clafs

4 Thomas Morton

clafs from thofe who had preceded them. Among them
were men of education, and fome of them were married
and had brought their wives. Their fettlement proved a
permanent one. Robert Gorges, it is true, the next fpring
returned to England difgufled and difcouraged, taking back
with him a portion of his followers. Others of them
went on to Virginia in fearch of a milder climate and a
more fertile foil. A few, however, remained at Weffa-
guffet,-^ and are repeatedly referred to by Morton in the
New Canaan'^ as his neighbors at that place.

When, therefore, Wollafton failed into the bay in the
early fummer of 1625, its fhores w^re not wholly unoccu-
pied. His party confifted of himfelf and fome three or
four partners, with thirty or more fervants, as they were
called, or men who had fold their time for a period of years
to an employer, and who flood in the relation to him of
apprentice to mafter. Rafdall, according to Bradford, was
the name of one of the partners, and Pitcher would feem to
have been that of another. Thomas Morton, the author of
the New Englijh Canaan^ was a third.

Not much more is known of Morton's life prior to his
coming to America than of Wollafton's. He had certainly
an education of that fort which was imparted in the fchools
of the Elizabethan period, for he had a fmattering knowl-
edge of the more familiar Latin authors at leafl, and was fond
of claffic allufion. Governor Dudley, in his letter to the
Countefs of Lincoln, fays that while in England he was an
attorney in " the weft countries." ^ He further intimates that

^ Bradford, p. 154. ^ Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 321,

2 Infra, *44, * 124- 127, *I38.

Of Merry-Mount 5

he had there been implicated in fome foul mifdemeanor, on
account of which warrants were out againft him. Nathaniel
Morton in his Memorial^ fays that the crime thus referred
to was the killing of a partner concerned with him, Thomas
Morton, in his firfl New England venture. Thomas Wig-
gin, however, writing in 1632 to Sir John Cooke, one of
King Charles's fecretaries for foreign affairs and a member
of the Privy Council, ftates, upon the authority of Morton's
" wife's fonne and others," that he had fled to New England
" upon a foule fufpition of murther." ^ While, therefore, it
would feem that grave charges were in general circulation
againft Morton, conneding him with fome deed of violence,
it is neceffary to bear in mind that confiderable allowance
mult be made before any accufation againft him can be ac-
cepted on the word of either the Maffachufetts or the Ply-
mouth authorities, or thofe in fympathy with them. Yet
Morton was a recklefs man, and he lived in a time when
no great degree of fan6lity attached to human life ; fo that
in itfelf there is nothing very improbable in this charge.
It is poffible that before coming to America he may have
put fome one out of the way. Neverthelefs, as will pref-
ently be feen, though he was fubfequently arrefted and in
jail in England, the accufation never took any formal fhape.
That he was at fome time married would appear from the
letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the allufions in the
New Canaan fhow that he had been a man paffionately fond
of field fports, and a good deal of a traveller as well. He
fpeaks, for inftance, of having been " bred in fo genious a

w^ay "

^ N. E. Memorial, p. i6o. ^ iii. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. viii. p. 323.

6 Thomas Morton

way " that in England he had the common ufe of hawks in
fowling ; and, in another place, he alludes to his having been
fo near the equator that " I have had the fun for my zenith." ^
On the titlepage of his book he defcribes himfelf as "of
Cliffords Inne gent," which of courfe he would not have ven-
tured to do had he not really been what he there claimed to
be ; for at the time the New Canaan was publifhed he was
living in London and apparently one of the attorneys of the
Council for New England.^ Bradford, fpeaking from mem-
ory, fell into an error, therefore, when he defcribed him as
a "kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne."^ That in
1625 he was a man of fome means is evident from the facfl:
that he owned an intereft in the Wollafton venture ; though
here again Bradford takes pains to fay that the fhare he
reprefented (" of his owne or other mens ") was fmall, and
that he himfelf had fo little refpeft amongfl the refl that he
was flighted by even the meanefl: fervants.

In all probability this was not Morton's firft vifit to Maffa-
chufetts Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it,
having already paffed one feafon on its fhores. His own flate-
ment, at the beginning of the firft chapter of the fecond book
of the Canaan, feems to be conclufive on this point. He there
fays: " In the month of June, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my
chance to arrive in the parts of New England with thirty fer-
vants, and provifion of all forts fit for a plantation ; and, while
our houfes were building, I did endeavor to take a furvey of
the country." * There was but one fhip which arrived in New

England

1 Infra, *I3, *7i, 343, note. s Bradford, p. 236.

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401, n. ■* Infra, *I7, 130, note 2, *59,

Of Merry-Mount 7

England in June, 1622, and that was the Charity ;^ and the
Charity brought out Weflon's party, which fettled at Wef-
faguffet, anfwering in every refpe6l to Morton's defcrip-
tion of the party he came with. Andrew Weilon, a younger
brother of the chief promoter of the enterprife, had then
come in charge of it, and is defcribed as having been " a
heady yong man and violente."^ After leaving Wefton's
company at Plymouth, the Charity went on to Virginia,
but returned from there early in October, going it would
feem direftly to Bolton Bay and Weffaguffet.^ One part
of the colonifts had then been there three months, and
it was during thofe three months that Morton apparently
took the furvey of the country to which he refers. As the
Weffaguffet plantation was now left under the charge of
Richard Greene, it would feem that young Wefton went back
to England in the Charity, and the inference is that Morton,
who had come out as his companion, went back with him.

In any event, the impreffion produced on Morton by this
firft vifit to New England was a ftrong and favorable one. It
looked to him a land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan.
Accordingly, he gave vent to his enthufiafm in the warm
language of the firfl chapter of his fecond book."^^ With
the fubfequent fate of Weflon's party he feems to have had
no connection. He mufl at the time have heard of it, and
was doubtlefs aware of the evil reputation that company left
behind. This would perfeftly account for the fa6l that he
never mentions his having himfelf had anything to do with

it.

1 Bradford, p. ii8. 3 Young's Chron. of PL, p. 299.

2 Bradford, p. 1 20. ^ Infra^ *6o.

8 Thomas Morton

it. Yet it may be furmifed that he returned to England
poffeffed with the idea of conne6ling himfelf with fome
enterprife, either Weflon's or another, organized to make a
fettlement on the Ihores of Boflon Bay and there to open
a trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a New
England winter; though, for that matter, when he after-
wards had repeated experiences of it, they in no way changed
his views of the country. To the laft, apparently, he thought
of it as he firft faw it during the fummer and early autumn
of 1622, when it was a green frefh wildernefs, nearly devoid
of inhabitants and literally alive with game.

News of the utter failure of Wefton's enterprife mull have
reached London in the early fummer of 1623. Whether
Morton was in any way perfonally affefted thereby does not
appear, though from his allufions to Weflon's treatment
by Robert Gorges at Plymouth, during the winter of 1623-4,
it is not at all improbable that he was.-^ During the follow-
ing year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in 1625 he had
evidently fucceeded in e£fe6ling fome fort of a combination
which refulted in the Wollafton expedition.

The partners in this enterprife would feem to have been
the mereft adventurers. So far as can be afcertained, they
did not even trouble themfelves to take out a patent for the
land on which they propofed to fettle,^ in this relpe6l fliow-
ing themfelves even more carelefs than Welton.^ With the
exception of Morton, they apparently had no practical
knowledge of the country, and their defign clearly was to

eftablifh

1 Infra, *ii3-ii8. however, writing to Lord Clarendon in

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 397. the year 1661, aflerts that Morton had

3 Lowell Inji. Leaures oi M2i{s. Hift. a patent. ColL N. Y. Hiji. Soc. 1869,
Soc. 1869, p. 147. Samuel Maverick, p. 40.

Of Merry-Mount. 9

eflablifh themfelves wherever they might think good, and
to trade in fuch way as they faw fit.

When the party reached its deflination in Maffachufetts
Bay, they found Weffaguffet ftill occupied by fuch as were
left of Robert Gorges's company, who had then been there
nearly two years. They had neceffarily, therefore, to eftablifh
themfelves elfewhere. A couple of miles or fo north of Wef-
faguffet, on the other fide of the Monatoquit, and within the
limits of what is now the town of Quincy, was a place called
by the Indians Paffonageffit. The two localities were fepa-
rated from each other not only by the river, which here
widens out into a tidal elluary, but by a broad bafm which
filled and emptied with every tide, while around it were
extenfive fait marfhes interfered by many creeks. The up-
land, too, was interfperfed with tangled fwamps lying be-
tween gravel ridges. At Paffonageffit the new-comers ef-
tablifhed themfelves, and the place is ftill known as Mount
Wollafton.

In almoft all refpeds Paffonageffit was for their purpofe
a better locality than Weffaguffet. They had come there
to trade. However it may have been with the others, in
Morton's calculations at leaft the plantation muft have been
a mere incident to the more profitable dealing in peltry.
A prominent pofition on the fhore, in plain view of the
entrance to the bay, would be with him an important con-
fideration. This was found at Paffonageffit. It was a fpa-
cious upland rifing gently from the beach and, a quarter of
a mile or fo from it, fwelling into a low hill.^ It was not

conne6led

1 Palfrey (vol. i. p. 222) fpeaks of it as from where Morton's houfe flood to the
"a bluff." This is an error. The flope water is very gradual.

Thomas Morton

connefled with the interior by any navigable flream, but
Indians coming from thence would eafily find their way to
it; and, while a portion of the company could always be
there ready to trade, others of them might make excurfions
to all points on the neighboring coaft where furs were to be

Mount Wollaston.^

had. Looking feaward, on the left of the hill was a confid-
erable tidal creek ; in front of it, acrofs a clear expanfe of
water a couple of miles or fo in width, lay the iflands of the
harbor in apparently conne6led fucceffion. Though the an-
choring grounds among thefe iflands afforded perfe61 places

1 This View of Mount Wollafton is
taken from Rev. Dr. William P. Lunt's
Two Difcourfes on Occafion of the Two
Hundredth Aniiiverfary of the Gather-
ing of the Firfi Congregational Church,
Quincy, (p- 37). It reprefents the place
very accurately as it appeared in 1840,
and as it is fuppofed to have appeared
from the time of the firft fettlement until
recently. The fmgle tree was a lofty red-

cedar, which muft have been there when
Wollafton landed, as it was a large tree
of a long-lived fpecies, and died from age
about 1850. The trunk is ftill (1882)
ftanding; and, though all the bark has
dropped off, it meafures fome 66 inches
in circumference. The central part of
the above cut, including the tree, has
been adopted as a feal for the town of
Quincy, with the motto " Manet."

. Of Merry-Mount. 1 1

of refuge for veffels, Paffonageffit itfelf, as the fettlers there
mufl foon have realized, labored, as a trading-point, under
one ferious difadvantage. There was no deep water near
it. Except when the tide was at leafl half full, the fhore
could be approached only in boats. On the other hand, fo
far as planting w^as concerned, the conditions were favorable.
The foil, though light, was very good ; and the fpot, lying
as it did clofe to " the Maffachufetts fields," had fome years
before been cleared of trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut,
who had made his home there.^ He had, however, aban-
doned it at the time when the great peflilence fwept away
his tribe, and tradition flill points out a fmall favin-covered
hummock, near Squantum, on the fouth fide of the Nepon-
fet, as his fiibfequent dwelling-place. Morton fays that
Chickatawbut's mother was buried at Paffonageffit, and
that the Plymouth people, on one of their vifits, incurred his
enmity by defpoiling her grave of its bear fkins.^ So far as
the natives were concerned, however, any fettlers on the
fliores of Bofton Bay, after the year 1623, had little caufe
for difquietude. They were a thoroughly crufhed and bro-
ken-fpirited race. The peflilence had left only a few hun-
dred of the whole Maffachufetts tribe, and in 1631 Chicka-
tawbut had but fome fifty or fixty followers.^ It was a dying
race; and what little courage the peftilence had left them
was eff equally and forever crufhed out by Miles Standifli,
when at Weffaguffet, in April, 1623, he put to death feven
of the flrongeft and boldefl of their few remaining men.

Having

^ Young's Chron. of Ma/s., p. 395. ^ Young's Chron. o/Mafs., p. 305.

2 Infra, *5i, 106.

Thomas Morton

Having feledled a fite, Wollallon and his party built their
houfe nearly in the centre of the fummit of the hill, on
a gentle wefterly Hope. It commanded towards the north
and eafl an unbroken view of the bay and all the entrances
to it ; while on the oppofite or landward fide, fome four or
five miles away, rofe the heavily-wooded Blue Hills. Acrofs
the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening
peninfulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Weffaguffet was to
the fouth, acrofs the marflies and creeks, and hidden from
view by forefl and uplands.

During their firft feafon, the fummer of 1625, Wollafton's
party mufl have been fully occupied in the work of building
their houfes and laying out their plantation. The winter
followed. A fmgle experience of a winter on that fhore
feems to have fufficed for Captain Wollafton, as it had
before fufficed for Captain Gorges. He apparently came to
the conclufion that there was little profit and no fatisfa6lion
for him in that region. Accordingly, during the early months
of 1626, he determined to go elfe where. The only account of
what now enfued is that contained in Bradford ; for Morton
nowhere makes a fmgle allulion to Wollallon or any of his
affociates, nor does he give any account of the origin, com-
pofition or purpofes of the Wollafton enterprife. His filence
on all thefe points is, indeed, one of the fmgular features
in the New Canaan, Such references as he does make are
always to Wefton and Wefton's attempt ; ^ and he feems to
take pains to confound that attempt with Wollafton's. Once
only he mentions the number of the party with which he

landed,
1 /«/>-«, *i 15-18.

Of Merry-Mount. 1 3

landed,^ and the faft that it was fubfequently diffolved ; ^ but
how it came to be diffolved he does not explain. The in-
ference from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough
in talking of what he did and faw at Paffonageffit, of his
revels there, of how he was arrefled, and perfecuted out of
the country. That he fays not a word of Wollaflon or his
other partners mufl be due to the fa6t that the fubjed was
one about which he did not care to commit himfelf. Never-
thelefs Bradford could not but have known the fads, for not
only at a later day was Morton himfelf for long periods of
time at Plymouth, but when the events of which he fpeaks
occurred Bradford mull have been informed of them by the
Weffaguffet people, as well as by Pitcher. As we only
know what Bradford tells us, it can bell be given in his own
words : —

" Having continued there fome time, and not finding things to anfwer their
expe6lations, nor profit to arife as they looked for, Captain WoUafton takes a
great part of the fervants and tranfports them to Virginia, where he puts them
off at good rates, felling their time to other men ; and writes back to one Mr.
Rafdall, one of his chief partners and accounted their merchant, to bring an-
other part of them to Virginia likewife ; intending to put them off there, as he
had done the reft. And he, ^vith the confent of the faid Rafdall, appointed
one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains of the plantation till
he, or Rafdall, returned to take further order thereabout. But this Morton,
abovefaid, having more craft than honefly, in the others' abfence watches an
opportunity, (commons being but hard amongft them,) and got fome ftrong
drink and other junkets, and made them a feaft ; and after they were merry,
he began to tell them he would give them good counfel. ^ You fee,' faith he,
* that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia ; and if you flay till this
Rafdall returns, you will alfo be carried away and fold for flaves with the

refl.

^ Infra.) *59. ^ Infra, *ii4.

Thomas Morton

reft. Therefore, I would advife you to thrufl out this Lieutenant Fitcher ;
and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and
confociates. So may you be free from fervice ; and we will converfe, trade,
plant and live together as equals, and fupport and prote6t one another : ' or
to like effe6t. This counfel was eafily received; fo they took opportunity
and thruft Lieutenant Fitcher out a-doors, and would fuffer him to come no
more amongft them ; but forced him to feek bread to eat, and other relief,
from his neighbors, till he could get paffage for England." ^

Wollafhon's procefs of depletion to Virginia had reduced
the number of fervants at Paffonageffit from thirty or thirty-
five, as Morton varioufly ftates it,^ to fix at mofl.^ It was as
the head of thefe that Morton efl;abHfhed himfelf in con-
trol at Merry-Mount, as he called the place,* fometime, it

would

1 Bradford, pp. 236-7.

2 Infra, *I03, *ii7.
^ Infra, *i4i-9.

* Morton uniformly fpeaks of the place
as Ma-re- Mount, and John Adams on
this point commented in his notes as
follows : — " The Fathers of Plymouth,
Dorchefter, Charleftown, &c., I fuppofe
would not allow the name to be Ma-re-
Mount, but infifted upon calling it Mer-
ry-Mount, for the fame reafon that the
common people in England will not call
gentlemen's ornamental grounds gar-
dens, but infift upon calling them pleaf-
ure-grounds, i. e., to excite envy and
make them unpopular."

Ma-re-Mount, however, was a charac-
teriftic bit of Latin punning on Morton's
part, defigned to teafe his more auftere
neighbors. He himfelf fays {Infra,
*I32) : " The inhabitants of Paffonageffit,
having tranflated the name of their hab-
itation from that ancient falvao^e name
to Ma-re-Mount . . . the precife fepe-
ratifts that lived at New Plimmouth
flood at defiance with the place threat-

ening to make it a woefull mount and
not a merry mount." {Infra, *i34.) In
view of the fituation of the place, Ma-re-
Mount was a very appropriate name, but
it may well be queltioned whether it
was ever fo called by any human being
befides Morton, or by him except in
print. Bradford calls it Merie-mounte.
(p. 237.) The expreffion ufed by Mor-
ton, that they "tranflated the name"
from Paflbnagefflt to Ma-re-Mount,
would naturally fuggefl that the Indian
name might find its equivalent in the
Latin one, and mean fimply "a hill by
the fea." On this point, however, J.
Hammond Trumbull writes : "Morton's
' Paffonageffit ' has been a puzzle to me
every time it has caught my eye fince
I firfl marked it twenty years ago or
more with double (??). Morton, as he
fliows in chap. ii. of book L, could not
write the moft fimple Indian word with-
out a blunder. What may have been
the name he makes ' Paffonageffit ' we
cannot guefs, unlefs it furvives in
fome early record. There is no trace of

'fea,'

Of Merry-Mount 1 5

would feem, in the fummer of 1626. He had now two dif-
tin6t objedls in view : one was enjoyment, the other was
profit ; and apparently he was quite recklefs as to the meth-
ods he purfued in fecuring either the one or the other. If
he was troubled by his former partners appearing to affert
their rights, as he probably was, no mention is made of it.
There were no courts to appeal to in America, and thofe of
Europe were far away ; nor would it have been eafy or
inexpenfive to enforce their procefs in New England. Ac-
cordingly nothing more is heard of Wollaflon or Rafdall,
though . Bradford does fay that Morton was " vehemently
fufpe6led for the murder of a man that had adventured
moneys with him when he firft came." ^ There is a vague
tradition, referred to John Adams, that Wollafton was fub-
fequently loll at fea ; ^ but as a full century muft have
elapfed between the occurrence of the event and the birth of
John Adams, this tradition is quite as unreliable as tradi-
tions ufually are.

Paffionately fond of field fports, Morton found ample op-
portunity for the indulgence of his taftes in New England
He loved to ramble through the woods with his dog and
gun, or fail in his boat on the bay. The Indians, too, were his
allies, and naturally enough ; for not only did he offer them
an open and eafy-going market for their furs, but he was

companionable

I fea,' or 'water,' or 'mount' in it If well to the locality. Mount Wollafton

it ftands for Pafco-naig-e/-it, it means is a part of the neck which connefts

'at [a place] near the little point,' but the peninfulas locally known in Ouincy

I know fo little of the local topography as Germantown and Hough's NecTc with

that I hefitate to fuggeft this interpreta- the mainland.

tion." The rendering here fuggefted by ^ Bradford, p. 253.

Dr. Trumbull does apply fufficiently '^ Whitney's Ht/I. of Quincy, -p. i^.

Thomas Morton

companionable with them. They fhared in his revels. He
denies that he was in the habit of felling them fpirits/ but
where fpirits were as freely ufed as Morton's account fhows
they were at Merry-Mount, the Indians undoubtedly had
their fhare. Nor were his relations confined to the Indian
men. The period of Elizabeth and James I. was one of
probably as much fexual incontinency as any in Englifh
hiflory. Some of the earlier writers on the New England
Indians have fpoken of the modefty of the women, —
Wood, in his Profpe6l, for inftance, and Joffelyn, in the
fecond of his Two Voyages? Morton, however, is lignifi-

cantly

1 Infra, *$$.

^ Joffelyn fays of the " Indeffes," as
he calls them, " All of them are of a
modeft demeanor, confidering their fav-
age breeding ; and indeed do (hame our
Engli/h rullicks whofe rudenefs in many
things exceedeth theirs." {Two Voya-
ges, ^^^t. 12,45.) When the Maffachu-
fets Indian women, in September, 162 1,
fold the furs from their backs to the firft
party of explorers from Plymouth, Winf-
low, who wrote the account of that ex-
pedition, fays that they "tied boughs
about them, but with great fhamefaced-
nefs, for indeed they are more modeft
than fome of our Englifh women are."
{Mourt, p. 59.) See alfo, to the fame
effea. Wood's Pro/pea, (p. 82.) It fug-
gefts, indeed, a curious inquiry as to
what were the cuftoms among the ruder
claffes of the Britifh females during the
Elizabethan period, when all the writers
agree in fpeaking of the Indian women
in this way. Roger Williams, for in-
ftance, referring to their clothing, fays:
" Both men and women within doores,
leave off their beafts fkin, or Englifh
cloth, and fo (excepting their little apron)
are wholly naked ; yet but few of the

women but will keepe their fkin or cloth
(though loofe) neare to them, ready to
gather it up about them. Cuftome hath
ufed their minds and bodies to it, and in
fuch a freedom from any wantonneffe
that I have never seen that wantonneffe
amongft them as, (with griefe) I have
heard of in Europe." {Key, pp. iio-ii.)
And he adds, " More particular;

" Many thoufand proper Men and Women,
I have feen met in one place :
Almoft all naked, yet not one

Thought want of clothes difgrace."

In Parkman's Jefuits in North Amer-
ica (ch. iv.) there is a very graphic ac-
count of the miffionary Le Jeune's expe-
rience among the Algonquins, in which
he defcribes the interior of the wigwam
on a winter's evening. *' Heated to fuf-
focation, the forcerer, in the clofeft pof-
fible approach to nudity, lay on his back,
with his right knee planted upright and
his left leg croffed on it, difcourfmg vol-
ubly to the company, who, on their part,
liftened in poftures fcarcely lefs remote
from decency." Le Jeune fays, "Les
filles et les jeunes femmes font a I'exte-
rieur tres honneftement couvertes, mais

entre

Of Merry-Mount 1 7

candy filent on this point, and the idea of female chaftity in
the Indian mind, in the rare cafes where it exifted at all,
feems to have been of the vaguelt poffible defcription.-^
Morton was not a man likely to be faftidious, and his refer-
ence to the "laffes in beaver coats "^ is fuggeftive. Merry-
Mount was unqueftionably, fo far as temperance and morality
were concerned, by no means a commendable place.^

Morton's inclination to boifterous revelry culminated at
laft in that proceeding which fcandalized the Plymouth eld-
ers and has paffed into hiftory. In the fpring of 1627 he
erefted the May-pole of Merry-Mount. To ere6l thefe poles
feems at that time to have been a regular Englifh obferv-
ance, which even the fifhermen on the coaft did not negledl.
When, for inftance, the forerunners of Wefton's colony at
Weffaguffet reached the Damarifcove Iflands, in the fpring
of 1622, the firfl thing they faw was a May-pole, which the
men belonging to the fhips there had newly fet up, "and
weare very mery." ^ There is no room for queflion that in
England, during the fixteenth and feventeenth centuries,

May-day

entre elles leurs difcours font puants, Judging by an incident mentioned by

comme des cloaques ; " and Parkman Morton, however, adultery does not

adds, " The focial manners of remote feem to have been looked upon as a

tribes of the prefent time correfpond very grave ofFenfe among the Indians of

perfetlly with Le Jeune's account of the vicinity in which he lived. (^Infra^

thofe of the Montagnais." See alfo *32.) On the general fubje6l of morality

Voyages of Champlain, Prince Soc, among young Indian women, efpecially

vol. iii. pp. 168-70. in the vicinity of trading-pofts, fee Park-

^ Parkman fays that ''chaftity in wo- man's Jefuits iji North A7nerica (pp.

men was recognized as a virtue by many xxxiv, xhi) and the letter from Father

tribes." {Jefuits in N'orth Ainerica^ Carheil to the Intendant Champigny, in

p. xxxiv.) Of the New England Indi- The Old Regijjte in Canada (p. 427).

ans Williams remarks, — "Single for- ^ /nfra^^i-^S-

nications they count no fm, but after ^ i. Mafs, Hifi. Coll., vol. iii. p. 62.

marriage then they count it heinous for ^ iv. Ma/s. Hifl. Coll.', vol. iv. p. 478.
either of them to be falfe." {Key^ p. 138.}

18 Thomas Morton

May-day feftivities were affociated with a great deal of
licenfe. They were fo affociated in the minds of Governor
Bradford and his fellows. Chriftmas was at leaft a Chrif-
tian feftivity. Not fo May-day. That was diflincflly Pagan
in its origin. It reprefented all there was left of the Satur-
nalia and the worlhip of the Roman courtefan. May-day
and May-day feftivities, accordingly, were things to be alto-
gether reformed. They were by no means the innocent,
grateful welcoming of fpring which modern admirers of the
so-called good old times — which, in point of fa6l, were very
grofs and brutal times — are wont to pi6lure to themfelves.
" I have heard it credibly reported," wrote Stubbes in his
Anatomy of Abufes, "(and that viva voce) by men of great
gravitie, credite and reputation, that of fourtie, three score, or
a hundred maides goyng to the woode over night [a-Maying],
there have fcarcely the thirde parte of them returned home
againe undeflled. " ^ All this it is neceffary to now bear in
mind, left what Bradford wrote down in his hiftory of Mor-
ton's doings fhould feem grotefque. He was fpeaking of
what reprefented in his memory a period of uncleannefs, a
fort of carnival of the fexes.

Morton's own account of the feftivities at Merry-Mount
on the May-day of 1627, which came on what would now be
the nth of the month, will be found in the fourteenth chap-
ter of the third book of the Canaan} It does not need to
be repeated here. Bradford's account was very different :

" They allfo fet up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days
togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their conforts, dancing and frifking

togither,

1 Hazlitt's Popular Antiquities of fubje6l, Strutt s Sports and Pajlimes^
Great Britain, p. 121. See alfo on this p. 352, 2 infra^ *i32-7.

Of Merry-Mount 1 9

togither, (like fo many fairies, or faries rather,) and worfe pra6lifes. As if
they had anew revived and celebrated the feafls of the Roman Goddes Flora,
or the beady pra6liefes of the madd Bacchinalians. Morton likwife (to fhew
his poetrie,) compofed fundry rimes and verfes, fome tending to lafcivioufnes,
and others to the detradlion and fcandall of fome perfons, which he affixed to
this idle or idoll May-polle." ^

Morton's verfes can be found in their proper place in
the New Canaan, but the principal charge now to be made
againft them is their incompreheniibility. Judged even by
the llandard of the prefent day, much more by that of the
day when they were written, they are not open to criticifm
becaufe of their " lafcivioufnes." They are decent enough,
though very bad and very dull. As to the " detra6lion and
fcandall of fome perfons," alleged againft them, — if indeed
they contained anything of the fort, — it was fo very care-
fully concealed that no one could eafily have underftood
it then, and Morton's own efforts at explanation fail to make
it intelligible now.

The feilivities around the May-pole were, however, but
Morton's amufements. Had he confined himfelf to thefe he
might, fo far as the people at Plymouth at leaft were con-
cerned, to the end of his life have lived on the fhores of Bot
ton Bay, and ere6led a new pole with each recurring fpring.
The only refiflance he would have had to overcome would
have been a remonftrance now and then, hardly lefs comical
than it was earneft. The bufmefs methods he purfued were
a more ferious matter. He had come to New England to
make money, as well as to enjoy the licenfe of a frontier
life. He was fully alive to the profits of the peltry trade,

and

^ Bradford, p. 237.

20 - Thomas Morton

and in carrying on that trade he was reftrained by no
fcruples. The furs of courfe came from the interior,
brought by Indians. In his dealings with the Indians
Morton adopted a poHcy natural enough for one of his
recklefs nature, but which imperilled the exiftence of ^ every
European on the coafl. The two things the favages mofl
coveted were fpirits and guns, — fire-water and fire-arms.
Beads and knives and hatchets and colored cloth ferved very
well to truck with at firft. But thefe very foon loft their
attraftion. Guns and rum never did. For thefe the Indians
would at any time give whatever they poffeffed. The trade
in fire-arms had already attained fome proportions when, in
1622, it was ftriflly forbidden by a proclamation of King
James, iffued at the inftance of the Council for New England.
The companion trade in fpirits, lefs dangerous to the whites
but more deftruftive to the favages, was looked upon as
fcandalous, but it was not prohibited. Morton cared equally
little for either law or morals. He had come to New Eng-
land for furs, and he meant to get them.

" Hearing what gain the French and fifhermen made by trading of pieces,
powder and fhot to the Indians, he, as the head of this confortfliip, began
the pra6lice of the fame in thefe parts. And firft he taught them how to ufe
them, to charge and difcharge, and what proportion of powder to give the
piece, according to the fize and bignefs of the fame ; and what fhot to ufe
for fowl and what for deer. And having thus inftru6led them, he employed
fome of them to hunt and fowl for him, fo as they became far more a6live in
that employment than any of the Englifh, by reafon of their fwiftnefs of foot
and nimblenefs of body ; being alfo quick fighted, and by continual exercife
well knowing the haunts of all forts of game. So as when they faw the exe-
cution that a piece would do, and the benefit that might come by the fame,
they became mad, as it were, after them, and would not ftick to give any

price

Of Merry-Mount 2 1

price they could attain to for them ; accounting their bows and arrows but
bawbles in comparifon of them." ^

This was Bradford's ftory, nor does Morton deny it. That
he would have denied it if he could is apparent. The prac-
tices complained of were forbidden by a royal proclama-
tion, iffued at the inftance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. In his
fpeech in defence of the great patent, before the Houfe of
Commons in Committee of the Whole, in 1621, Gorges had
emphatically dwelt on the fale of arms and ammunition to
the favages as an abufe then praftifed, which threatened the
extinftion of the New England fettlements.^ Fifteen years
later, when he wrote the New Canaan, Morton was a de-
pendent of Gorges. The fa6l that he had dealt in fire-arms,
in contemptuous defiance of the proclamation, was openly
charged againft him. He did deny that he had fold the
favages fpirits. Thefe, he faid, were the life of trade ; the
Indians would " pawn their wits " for them, but thefe he
would never let them have. In the matter of fire-arms, how-
ever, he preferved a difcreet and fignificant filence. He
made no more allufion to them than he did to Wollailon or
his partners at Merry-Mount.

In the whole record of the early Plymouth fettlement,
from the firft fkirmifh with the Cape Cod favages, in Decem-.
ber, 1620, to the Weffaguffet killing, there is no mention of
a gun being feen in an Indian's hands. On the contrary,
the favages ftood in mortal terror of fire-arms. But now at
laft it feemed as if Morton was about not only to put guns
in their hands, but to inflrud them in their ufe.

" This

1 Bradford, p. 238. See alfo note 202 in Trumbuirs ed. of

2 in. Mafs. Hiji. Coll., vol. vi., p. 70. Lechford's Plaine Dealing, p. 117.

22 Thomas Morton

" This Morton," fays Bradford, " having thus taught them the ufe of pieces,
he fold them all he could fpare ; and he and his conforts determined to fend
for many out of England, and had by fome of the fhips fent for above a fcore.
The which being known, and his neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods
armed with guns in this fort, it was a terror unto them, who lived ftraglingly,
and were of no ftrength in any place. And other places (though more re-
mote) faw this mifchief would quickly fpread over all, if not prevented.
Befides, they faw they (hould keep no fervants, for Morton would entertain
any, how vile foever, and all the fcum of the country, or any difcontents,
would flock to him from all places, if this nefl was not broken ; and they
fhould ftand in more fear of their lives and goods (in fhort time) from this
wicked and debauched crew than from the favages themfelves." ^

Thus, in the only branches of trade the country then
afforded, Morton was not only preffing all the other fettlers
hard, but he was preffing them in an unfair way. If the
favages could exchange their furs for guns, they would not
exchange them for anything elfe. Thofe not prepared to
give guns might withdraw from the market. The bufmefs,
too, condu6led in this way, was a moll profitable one. Mor-
ton fays that in the courfe of five years one of his fervants
was thought to have accumulated, in the trade in beaver
fkins, no lefs than a thoufand pounds ; ^ and a thoufand
pounds in 1635 was more than the equivalent of ten thou-
fand now. This ftatement was undoubtedly an exaggera-
tion ; yet it is evident that at even ten fhillings a pound in
England, which Morton gives as the current price, though
Bradford fays he never knew it lefs than fourteen, beaver
fkins, which cofl little or nothing in America, yielded a large
profit. As Morton expreffed it, his plantation " beganne to
come forward."^ When, in 1625, the Plymouth people

found

1 Bradford, p. 240. 2 /nfra, *78, 218, /^. ^ Infra, *I37.

Of Merry 'Mount 23

found their way up into Maine,^ and firfl opened a trade
with the favages there, Morton was not flow in following
them. In 1628 they eftablifhed a permanent flation on the
Kennebec,^ yet apparently as early at leafl; as 1627, if not in
1626, Morton had foreftalled them there, and hindered them
of a feafon's furs.^

The injury done to the other fettlers in a trading point of
view, however, ferious as it unqueftionably was, became in-
fignificant in comparifon with the confequences which muft
refult to them from the prefence on the coafh of fuch a refort
as Merry-Mount. The region was vaft, and in it there was
no pretence of any government. It was the yearly rendezvous
of a rough and lawlefs clafs of men, only one Itep removed
from freebooters, who cared for nothing except immediate
gain. Once let fuch a gathering-place as that of which
Morton was now head become fixed and known, and foon it
would develop into a neft of pirates. Of this there could be
no doubt; the Plymouth people had good caufe for the
alarm which Bradford expreffed. It mattered not whether
Morton realized the confequences of what he was doing, or
failed to realize them ; the refult would be the fame.

It gradually, therefore, became apparent to all thofe dwell-
ing along the coaft, from the borders of Maine to Cape Cod,
that either the growing nuifance at Merry-Mount mufl be
abated, or they would have to leave the country. The courfe
to be purfued in regard to it was, however, not equally clear.
The number of the fettlements along the coafl had confider-
ably increafed fince Wollalton's arrival.* The Hiltons and

David

^ Bradford, p. 204. » Infra *I49.

2 lb. p. 233. 4 ^^^. Hiji. ofBoJion, vol. i. p. 83.

24 Thomas Morton

David Thomfon had eftablifhed themfelves at Dover Neck
and Pifcataqua as early as 1623; and fometime in 1625
apparently, Thomfon, bringing with him his young wife and
a fervant or two, had moved down into Bofton Bay, and
eftablifhed himfelf, only a mile or two away from Mount
Wollafton, on the ifland which ftill bears his name. He
had died a little while after, and in 1628 his widow was
living there alone, with one child and fome fervants. In
1625 or 1626 the Weffaguffet fettlement had divided.
Thofe of Gorges's following who remained there had never
been wholly fatisfied. It was no place for trade. Accord-
ingly Blackftone, Maverick and Walford, the two laft being
married and taking their wives with them, had moved acrofs
the bay, and eftablifhed themfelves refpe6tively at Shawmut
or Bofton, at Noddle's Ifland or Eaft Bofton, and at Miflia-
wum or Charleftown. Jeffreys, Burfley and fome others had
remained at Weffaguffet, and were Morton's neighbors at
that place, whom he fays he was in the cuftom of vifiting
from time to time, " to have the benefit of company." ^ At
Hull, already known by that name,^ there were the Grays and
a few other fettlers. Thefe had been joined by Lyford and
Oldham and their friends, when the latter were expelled from
Plymouth in the fpring of 1625 ; but the next year, finding
the place probably an uninviting one, Lyford had croffed
over to Cape Ann, and thence a year later paffed on to
Virginia. Oldham ftill remained at Nantafket.

Such were thofe neighbors of Morton, the chiefs of the
ftraggling plantations, referred to by Bradford as being of

"no

1 Infra, *I24. 2 Jnfra, *i8i.

Of Merry-Mount 25

" no ftrength in any place." Together they may poffibly
have numbered from fifty to an hundred fouls. The Plym-
outh fettlement was, comparatively fpeaking, organized and
numerous, confifting as it did of fome two hundred perfons,
dwelling in about forty houfes, which were protected by a
flockade of nearly half a mile in length. Neverthelefs even
there, by the fummer of 1627, the alarm at the increafe of
fire-arms in the hands of the favages began to be very great.
They had fpread " both north and fouth all the land over," ^
and it was computed that the favages now poffeffed at leaft
fixty pieces. One trader alone, it was reported, had fold
them a fcore of guns and an hundred weight of ammunition.
Bradford thus takes up the ftory : —

" So fundry of the chiefs of the flraggling plantations, meeting together,
agreed by mutual confent, to folicit thofe of Plymouth, (who were then of
more ftrength than them all,) to join with them to prevent the further growth
of this mifchief, and fupprefs Morton and his conforts before they grew to
further head and ftrength. Thofe that joined in this a6lion, (and after con-
tributed to the charge of fending him to England,) were from Pifcataqua,
Naumkeag, Winnifimmet, Weffaguffet, Nantafket, and other places where any
Englifh were feated. Thofe of Plymouth being thus fought to by their mef-
fengers and letters, and weighing both their reafons and the common danger,
were willing to afford them their help, though themfelves had leaft caufe of
fear or hurt. So, to be fhort, they firft refolved jointly to write to him, and,
in a friendly and neighborly way, to admonifh him to forbear thefe courfes ;
and fent a meffenger with their letters to bring his anfwer. But he was fo
high as he fcorned all advice, and afked — Who had to do with him ? — he had
and would trade pieces with the Indians in defpite of all : with many other
fcurrilous terms full of difdain.

" They fent to him a fecond time, and bade him be better advifed, and
more temperate in his terms, for the country could not bear the injury he did ;

it
^ I. Mafs. Hiji. Coll.., vol. iii, pp. 63, 64.

26 Thomas Morton

it was againft their common fafety, and againfl the King's proclamation. He
anfwered in high terms, as before ; and that the King's proclamation was no
law : demanding, what penalty was upon it ? It was anfwered, more than he
could bear, his Majefty's difpleafure. But infolently he perfifled, and faid
the King was dead, and his difpleafure with him ; and many the like things j
and threatened, withal, that if any came to molefl him, let them look to them-
felves ; for he would prepare for them." ^

However it may have been with the pofition he took as a
matter of pubhc poHcy, Morton at leaft fhowed himfelf in
this difpute better verfed in the law of England than thofe
who admonilhed him. On the firfl of the two points made
by him he was clearly right. King James's proclamation was
not law. This had been definitely decided more than fifteen
years before, when in 1610, in a cafe referred to all the
judges, Lord Coke, in reporting their decifion, had ftated
on his own authority that " the King cannot create any
offence, by his prohibition or proclamation, which was not
an offence before, for that was to change the law, and to
make an offence, which was not ; for ubi non eft lex, ibi non
ejl tranfgrejjio ; ergo, that which cannot be punifhed with-
out proclamation cannot be punifhed with it." ^

In regard to the fecond point made by Morton, that the
King's proclamation died with him, the fame diftinftion
between ftatutes and proclamations, that the former were of
perpetual obligation until repealed and that the latter lofl
their force on the demife of the crown, — this diflin6lion was,
a century and a half later, ffated by Hume ^ to have exifled
in James's time. Lord Chief Juftice Campbell has, how-
ever,

1 Bradford, p. 241. 3 Hijt. of England (Edition of Har-

'^ XII. Coke, p. 75. per Bros.) vol. iv. p. 280.

Of Merry-Mount. 27

ever, exclaimed againft the Itatement as a difplay of igno-
rant " audacity," and declares that he was unable to find
in the authorities a trace of any fuch doftrine.-^ On this
point, therefore, the law of Thomas Morton was probably as
bad as that of David Hume. Neverthelefs the paffage in
Bradford affords a curious bit of evidence that fome fuch
diltin6lion as that drawn by Hume, though it may not have
got into the books, did exifl in both the legal and the public
mind of the firft half of the feventeenth century.

Whether Morton's law on the fubjeft of proclamations
was or was not found mattered little however. It was not
then to be debated, as the queftion with the fettlers was one
of felf-prefervation. The Plymouth magiftrates had gone
too far to flop. If they even hefitated, now, there was an
end to all order in New England. Morton would not be
flow to realize that he had faced them down, and his info-
lence would in future know no bounds.

" So they mutually refolved to proceed, and obtained of the Governor of
Plymouth to fend Captain Standilh, and fome other aid with him, to take
Morton by force. The which accordingly was done ; but they found him to
ftand ftiffly in his defence, having made faft his doors, armed his conforts,
fet divers difhes of powder and bullets ready on the table ; and, if they had
not been over armed with drink, more hurt might have been done. They
fummoned him to yield, but he kept his houfe, and they could get nothing
but feoffs and fcorns from him ; but at length, fearing they would do fome
violence to the houfe, he and fome of his crew came out, but not to yield,
but to fhoot. But they were fo fleeled with drink as their pieces were too
heavy for them ; himfelf, with a carbine (overcharged and almoft half filled
with powder and (hot, as was after found) had thought to have fhot Captain

Standilh ;

1 Lives of the Chief Ju/iices, vol. i. p. lamations," in Difraeli's Curiofities of
283. See alfo a paper on " Royal Proc- Literature (ed. 1863), vol. iii., p. 371.

2 8 Thomas Morton

Standilh ; but he llept to him, and put by his piece and took him. Neither
was there any hurt done to any of either fide, fave that one was fo drunk that
he ran his own nofe upon the point of a fword that one held before him as
he entered the houfe ; but he lofl but a Httle of his hot blood." ^

Morton's own account of " this outragious riot," as he
calls it, is contained in the fifteenth chapter of the third
book of the New Canaan? It differs confiderably from
Bradford's, but not in effentials. He fays that the occur-
rence took place in June ; and as Bradford's letters of expla-
nation, fent with the prifoner to England, are dated the 9th
of June,^ it muft have been quite early in the month. He
further fays that he was captured in the firfl place at Weffa-
guffet, " where by accident they found him ; " but efcaping
thence during the night, through the' careleffnefs of thofe
fet on guard over him, he made his way in the midft of a
heavy thunder-ftorm to Mount Wollafton, going up the
Monatoquit until he could crofs it. The whole diftance from
point to point was, for a perfon familiar with the country,
perhaps eight miles. Getting home early the next morn-
ing he made his preparations for refiftance in the way de-
fcribed by Bradford. Of the whole party at Merry-Mount
more than half, four apparently, were then abfent in the
interior getting furs. This fa6t^ indeed, was probably well
known to his neighbors, who had planned the arreft accord-
ingly. Standifli, having eight men with him, followed
Morton round to Mount Wollaflon, probably by water, the
morning fucceeding his efcape ; and what enfued feems to
have been fufficiently well defcribed by Bradford. One at

lealt

1 Bradford, p. 241-2. ^ l. Mafs. Hijl. Coll, vol. iii. pp. 63-4.

2 Infra, * 137-43-

Of Merry-Mount 29

leafl; of the Merry-Mount garrifon got extremely tipfy before
the attacking party appeared, and Morton, feeing that refift-
ance was hopelefs, furrendered^ after in vain trying to make
fome terms for himfelf.

Having been arrelted he was at once carried to Plymouth,
and a council was held there to decide upon the difpofition
to be made of him. According to his own account certain
of the magiftrates, among whom he fpecially names Stand-
iih, advocated putting him to death at once, and fo ending
the matter. They were not in favor of fending him to
England. Such a courfe as this was, however, wholly out
of keeping with the charafter of the Plymouth colony, and
it is tolerably fafe to fay that it was never really propofed.
Morton imagined it ; but he alfo circumflantially afferts that
when milder councils prevailed, and it was decided to fend
him to England, Standifh was fo enraged that he threatened
to fhoot him with his own hand, as he was put into the
boat.i

Either becaufe they did not care to keep him at Ply-
mouth until he could be fent away, or becaufe an outward-
bound fifhing-veffel was more likely at that feafon to be
found at the filhing-ftations, Morton was almoft immediate-
ly fent to the Ifles of Shoals. He remained there a month ;
and of his experiences during that time he gives a wholly
unintelligible account in the New Canaan? At laft a chance
offered of fending him out in a fifhing-veffel bound to
old Plymouth, England. He went under charge of John
Oldham, who was chofen to reprefent the affociated planters

^ Infra^^i^o. 2 /nfra, *I44, 155.

30 Thomas Morton

in this matter, and who carried two letters, in the nature of
credentials, prepared by Governor Bradford, the one ad-
dreffed to the Council for New England and the other to
Sir Ferdinando Gorges perfonally.-^ In thefe letters Brad-
ford fet forth in detail the nature of the offences charged
againft Morton, and afked that he might be brought " to his
anfwer before thofe whom it may concern." Thefe letters
were figned by the chiefs of the feveral plantations, at whofe
common charge the expenfes of Oldham's miffion, as well
as Standifh's arrefl, were defrayed, and towards this charge
they contributed as follows, though Bradford fays the total
coft was much more : —

From Plymouth,

" Naumkeag,

. I

" Pifcataqua,

" Weffaguffet,

. 2

" Nantalket,

" David Thomfon's widow,

. ,

" William Blackftone,

" Edward Hilton,^

^12

7
Oldham

^ The letters in full are in Bradford's {Winthrop^ vol. i. p. *43 n.) have been

Letter-Book^ iii. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. included with Blackftone, though, con-

iii. pp. 62-4. iidering what Maverick's means were,

2 The names of neither Maverick nor this does not feem probable. Edward

Walford appear in this lift, though in Hilton lived at Dover, eight miles above

his hiftory Bradford efpecially mentions Pifcataqua. (Young's Chron. of Mafs.,

Winnifimmet (p. 241) as one of the places p. 315. Pj'oc. of Mafs. Hifl. Soc. 1875-

the fettlers at which contributed to the 6, pp. 362-8.) Mr. Deane fuggefts that

charge. They may, as Savage fuggefts, Little Harbor, the place formerly occu-
pied

Of Merry-Mount 3 1

Oldham and Morton reached Plymouth during the later
fummer or early autumn of 1628. They muft, therefore,
have paffed the outward-bound expedition of Endicott, the
forerunners of the great Puritan migration of 1630-7, in
mid-ocean, as on the 6th of September the latter reached
Naumkeag. The grant of the Maffachufetts Company, which
Endicott reprefented, had been regularly obtained from the
Council for New England, and bore date the 19th of March,
1628. It covered the fea-front within the fpace of three
Eno-lifh miles to the northward of the Merrimack and to
the fouthward of the Charles, " or of any and every part of
either of thefe flreams ; " while it extended " from the At-
lantick and Weftern Sea and Ocean on the Eaft Parte, to
the South Sea on the Weft Parte." It alfo included every-
thing lying within the fpace of three miles to the fouthward
of the fouthernmoft part of Maffachufetts, by which w^as
meant Bofton Bay.^ It was clear, therefore, that Mount
Wollafton was included in this grant.

Morton's eftablifhment was thus brought within Endicott's
government. Its exiftence and chara6ler muft already have
been well known in England, and it is not at all improbable
that its fuppreffion had been there decided upon. Whether
this was fo or not, however, Endicott certainly learned, as
foon as he landed at Naumkeag, of the aftion which had
been taken three months before. It commended itfelf to
him ; though he doubtlefs regretted that more condign pun-

ifhment

pied by Thomfon, was meant by Pifcat- open to queftion. {Proc. of Mafs. Hiji.

aqua. {lb., 368.) The locality of Burfley Soc. 1878, p. 198.)

and Jeffreys greatly confufed the author- ^ Hazard, vol. i. p. 243.

ities for a time, but it no longer feems

32 Thomas Morton

ifhment had not been adminiflered to Morton and his crew
on the fpot, and did not delay to take fuch fteps as were
ftill in his power, to make good what in this refpeft had
been lacking. As Bradford fays, " vifiting thofe parts [he]
caufed that May-polle to be cutt downe, and rebuked them
for their profannes, and admonifhed them to looke ther
fhould be better walking ; fo they now, or others, changed
the name of their place againe, and called it Mounte-
Dagon." 1

Morton and Oldham, meanwhile, were in England. As
Oldham bore letters to Gorges and landed at Plymouth, of
which place the latter then was and for many years had
been the royal governor, there can be no doubt that Morton
was at once brought before him. As refpedls New Eng-
land Gorges's curiofity was infatiable. Any one who came
from there, whether a favage or a fea-captain, was eagerly
quellioned by him ; and his colle6lion of charts, memoirs,
letters, journals and memorials, relating to the difcovery of
thofe parts, is faid to have been unequalled.^ Oldham and
Morton had lived there for years. They knew all that was
then known about the country and its refources. They both
of them had unlimited faith in its poffibilities, and talked
about an hundred per cent profit within the year, as if it
were a thing eafily compaffed.^ Talk of this kind Gorges
liked to hear. It fuited his temperament ; and it would

feem

1 Bradford, p. 238 ; Infra, *I34. Da- ^ Oldham's " vaft conceits of extraor-
gon was the fea-god of the Phihftines, dinary gain of three for one " afterwards
upon the occafion of whofe feaft, at caufed " no fmall diftra6lion " to the fo-
Gaza, Samfon pulled down the pillars ber-minded governor and affiftants. of
of the temple. Judges, xvi. the Maffachufetts Company. Young's

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79. Chron. of Mafs., p. 147.

Of Merry 'Mount. 33

feem not improbable that Morton foon found this out, and
bore himfelf accordingly.

Meanwhile it was not poffible for the Council for New
England and the Maffachufetts Company to long move in
harmony. The former was an affociation of courtiers, and
the latter one of Puritans. The Council planned to create
in the New World a fcore or two of great feudal domains
for Englifh noblemen ; the Company propofed to itfelf a
commonwealth there. Accordingly difficulties between the
two at once began to crop out. The original grant to the
Company of March 19, 1628, had been made by the Council,
with the affent of Gorges. The tra6l already conceded to
Robert Gorges, in 1622, was included in it; but Sir Ferdi-
nando infifted that the fubfequent and larger grant was
made with a diltin6l faving of all rights veiled under the
prior one.^ This the Company was not prepared to admit ;
and, as the bufmefs of the Council was habitually done in a
carelefs flipfliod way, the record was by no means clear. A
queftion of title, involving fome three hundred fquare miles
of territory in the heart of the Company's grant, was there-
fore raifed at once.

Captain Robert Gorges meanwhile had died, and the title
to his grant had paffed to his brother John. It would feem
that Oldham, who was a pufhing man, had come out to Eng-
land with fome fcheme of his own for obtaining a patent
from the Council, and organizing a flrong trading company
to operate under it. The refult was that John Gorges now
deeded to him a portion of the Robert Gorges grant, being

the

1 III. Mafs. Hift. Coll., vol. vi. p. 80.

34 Thomas Morton

the whole region lying between the Charles and the Saugus
rivers, for a diftance of five miles from the coafl on the
former and three miles on the latter. This deed may and
probably did bear a date, January lo, 1629, fimilar to that
of another deed of a yet larger tra6l out of the fame grant,
which John Gorges executed to Sir William Brereton.
The lands thus conveyed were diftin6lly within the limits
covered by the grant to the Maffachufetts Company, and a
ferious queftion of title was raifed. The courfe now pur-
fued by the Company could not but have been fmgularly
offenfive to Gorges. They outgeneralled him in his own
field of action. They too had friends at court. Accord-
ingly they went directly to the throne. A royal confir-
mation of their grant from the Council was folicited and
obtained. On the 4th of March, 1629, King Charles's char-
ter of the Maffachufetts Company paffed the feals.

It now became a race, for the actual poffeffion of the dif-
puted territory, between the reprefentatives of the Company
on the one fide and the Gorges grantees on the other. The
former, under advice of counfel, denied the validity of the
Robert Gorges grant of 1622. It was, they claimed, void
in law, being " loofe and uncertain." "^ They inftru6ted En-
dicott to hurry a party forward to effeft an a6tual occupa-
tion. This he at once did ; and the fettlement of Charlef-
town, in the fummer of 1629, was the refult. Meanwhile
Oldham, having in vain tried to coax or browbeat the Com-
pany into an arrangement fatisfa6iory to himfelf, was en-
deavoring to fit out an expedition of his own.^ He had

not

' Young's Chron. of Ma/s.^^. 171 ; ^ Young's Chron. o/Mafs., p. 147.
Hutchinfon, vol. i. p 6.

Of Merry- Mount 3 5

not the means at his difpofal ; and, convinced of this at lafl,
he gave up the conteft.

At an early flage in thefe proceedings he would feem
to have wholly loft fight of fo much of the bufmefs he
had in hand as related to Thomas Morton. Bradford's
expreffion, in referring to what took place, is that Morton
" foold " Oldham.^ Morton himfelf, however, fays ^ that Old-
ham did the beft he could, and tried to fet the officers of the
law at work, but was advifed that Morton had committed
no crime of which the Englifh courts could take cognizance.
He had at moft only difregarded a proclamation. All this
feems very probable. Neverthelefs, for violating a procla-
mation, he could at that time have been proceeded againft
in the Star Chamber. It is true that in their decifion in
1610, already referred to,^ the twelve judges had faid, " Laflly,
if the offence be not punifhable in the Star Chamber, the
prohibition of it by proclamation cannot make it punifhable
there."* This, however, was the language of the bench in
the days of James, when Coke was Chief Juftice. In 1629
the current of opinion was running ftrongly in the oppofite
direftion. Sir Nicholas Hyde, as Chief Jullice, was then
*' fetting law and decency at defiance " in fupport of pre-
rogative,^ and a few years later Sir John Finch was to an-
nounce " that while he was Keeper no man fliould be fo
fancy as to difpute thefe orders " of the Lords of the
Council.^ Law or no law, therefore, Morton could eafily

have

1 Bradford, p. 243. 5 Campbell's Chief Jujlices, vol. ii.

2 Infra, *I56. p. 42.

3 Supra, p. 26. 6 Campbell's Lord Chancellors, vol.
* XII. Coke, p. -jd. iii. p. 256.

36 Thomas Morton

have been held to a fevere account in the Star Chamber,
had Gorges been difpofed to prefs matters againfl him there.
He clearly was not fo difpofed. The inference, therefore, is
that Morton had fucceeded in thoroughly ingratiating him-
felf with Gorges ; and Oldham, as he was now a grantee of
Gorges's fon, did not fee his account in preffmg matters.
Accordingly Bradford's letters and complaints were quietly
ignored ; and his " lord of mifrule," and head of New Eng-
land's firfl " fchoole of Athifme, " ^ efcaped without, fo far as
could be difcovered, even a rebuke for his mifdeeds.

Nor was this all. Ifaac Allerton was at that time in
London, as the agent of the Plymouth colony. The mofl
important bufmefs he had in hand was to procure a new
patent for the Plymouth people, covering by corre6l bounds
a grant on the Kennebec, with which region they were now
opening a promifmg trade. They alfo wanted to fecure, if
poffible, a royal charter for themfelves like that which had
jufl been iffued to the Maffachufetts Company. In the
matter of the patent, Allerton had to deal with the Council
for New England ; the granting of the charter lay at White-
hall. Altogether it was a troublefome and vexatious buii-
nefs, and the agent foon found that he could make no head-
way except through favor. The influence of Gorges became
neceffary. In the light of fubfequent events it would feem
altogether probable that Morton now made himfelf ufeful.
At any rate, when Allerton returned to New England, in
1629, with the patent but without a charter, he aflonifhed
and fcandalized the Plymouth community by bringing Mor-
ton

1 Bradford, p. 237.

Of Merry-Mount 37

ton back with him. They apparently landed fometime in
Auguft,^ and we have two accounts of Morton's reception at
Plymouth ; one his own, and the other Governor Bradford's.
Both are chara6leriflic. Morton fays that

" Being fhip'd againe for the parts of New Canaan, [he] was put in at
Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement to fee him
at liberty ; and [they] told him hee had not yet fully anfwered the matter they
could obje6l againft him. Hee onely made this modeft reply, that he did
perceave they were willfuU people, that would never be anfwered : and he de-
rided them for their pradifes and loffe of laboure." ^

Bradford, looking at the tranfadion from the other point
of view, fays : —

" Mr. AUerton gave them great and jufl ofence in bringing over this year,
for bafe gaine, that unworthy man, and inftrumente of mifcheefe, Morton, who
was fent home but the year before for his mifdemenors. He not only
brought him over, but to the towne, (as it were to nofe them,) and lodged him
at his owne houfe, and for a while ufed him as a fcribe to doe his buffmes." ^

In view of Morton's efcape from all punifliment in Eng-
land, and his return a little later to Mount Wollaflon, Brad-
ford fpeaks of the trouble and charge of his arreft as hav-
ing been incurred " to little e£fe6l." * This, however, was
not fo. On the contrary, it is not often that an aft of gov-
ernment repreffion produces effecfls equally decifive. The
nuifance was abated and the danger difpelled ; the faft that
there was a power on the coaft, ready to affert itfelf in the
work of maintaining order, was eflablifhed and had to be
recognized ; and, finally, a wholly unfcrupulous competitor

was

^ Bradford, p. 250. 3 Bradford, p. 252.

2 Infra, *I57. ^ \. Mafs. Hiji. Coll., vol-, iii. p. 63.

38 Thomas Morton

was driven out of trade. Thefe refults were well worth all
that Morton's arreft coft, and much more.

It does not appear how long Morton now remained at
Plymouth. It could not, however, have been more than a
few weeks before Allerton, who himfelf went back to Eng-
land the fame feafon, was, as Bradford puts it, " caufed to
pack him away." He then returned to Mount Wollafton,
where he feems to have found a remnant of his old com-
pany,— apparently the more modeft of them and fuch as
had looked to their better walking. Hardly, however, had
he well gotten back when he was in trouble with Endicott.
The firft difficulty arofe out of the jealoufy which exifted
between the " old planters," as they were called, and thofe
who belonged to the Maffachufetts Company. The old
planters were the very men who had affociated themfelves,
eighteen months before, to bring about the fuppreffion of
the eftabliihment at Mount Wollafton. Now they alfo were
beginning to feel the preffure of authority, and they did
not like it. In their helplefs anger they even fpoke of them-
felves as " flaves " of the new Company.^ They could no
longer plant what they chofe or trade with whom they
pleafed.

On thefe points Endicott had explicit inftru6lions. They
were contained in the letters of Cradock of April 17 and
May 28, 1629, which are to be found in Young's Chronicles
of Maffachufetts, and contain the policy of the company, fet
forth in clear vigorous Englifh. In purfuance of thofe in-
flrucftions, Endicott feems to have fummoned all the old

planters

^ Young's Chron, of Mafs.^ p. 145.

Of Merry-Mount. 39

planters dwelling within the limits of the patent to meet in a
General Court at Salem, fometime in the latter part of 1629.
There he doubtlefs advifed them as to the policy which the
Company intended to purfue ; and Morton fays that he
then tendered all prefent for fignature certain articles which
he and the Rev. Samuel Skelton had drawn up together.
The effence of thofe articles was that in all caufes, ecclefiaf-
tical as well as political, the tenor of God's word Ihould be
followed.-^ The alternative was banifhment.

Morton claims that he alone of thofe prefent refufed to
put his hand to this paper, infifting that a provifo fhould
firll be added in thefe words, " So as nothing be done con-
trary or repugnant to the laws of the Kingdom of England."
Thefe are almoft the exaft words of King Charles's charter ; ^
and it would feem as though Morton, in propofmg them,
fought an opportunity to difplay his legal acumen. Wheth-
er his fuggefbion was adopted, and the articles modified ac-
cordingly, does not appear. It probably was, though the
change was not one which Endicott would have looked
upon with favor. If he affented to it he certainly did fo
grimly. The matter of regulating the trade in beaver fkins
was next brought up. This was intended to be a Company
monopoly, to meet the charge of providing churches and
forts.^ It was accordingly propofed that a fort of general
partnerfhip for the term of one year fhould be e£fe6led to
carry it on. Morton fays that on this matter alfo he flood
out, and it feems altogether probable that he did. It is
fafe to fay that he was there to make whatever trouble he

could

1 Infra, *i58-9. 3 Young's Chron. of Ma/s., pp. 96,

2 Hazard, vol. i. p. 252. 148.

40 Thomas Morton

could. On the other hand it was not poffible for Endicott
to miflake his infl;ru6lions. They were as plain as words
could make them. He was to fee to it that " none be par-
takers of [the Company's] privileges and profits, but fuch as
be peaceable men, and of honeft life and converfation, and
defirous to live amongfl us, and conform themfelves to good
order and government." And further, if any faftious fpirit
developed itfelf he was enjoined "to fupprefs a mifchief
before it take too great a head . . . which, if it may be
done by a temperate courfe, we much defire it, though with
fome inconvenience, fo as our government and privileges be
not brought in contempt. . . . But if neceffity require a
more fevere courfe, when fair means will not prevail, we
pray you to deal as in your difcretions you fhall think fitteil."
Such inftruftions as thefe, in Endicott's hands to execute,
boded ill for Morton.

Matters foon came to a crifis. Morton paid no regard to
the Company's trade regulations. The prefumption is that he
was emboldened to take the courfe he now did by the belief
that he would find fupport in England. He unqueftionably
was informed as to all the details of the trouble between the
Maffachufetts Company and the Council for New England,
and knew that Oldham, whom he by the way fpeaks of as
"a mad Jack in his mood,"^ held a grant from John Gorges,
and was ftraining every nerve to come out and take adverfe
poffeffion of the territory covered by it. He probably hoped,
day by day, to fee Oldham appear at the head of a Gorges
expedition. There is reafon to fuppofe that he was himfelf

1 Infra^ *i 19.

Of Merry 'Mount 41

at this time an agent of Gorges, — that, indeed, he had come
back to New England as fuch, and was playing a part very
much like that of a fpy. He was certainly in fuch corre-
fpondence with Sir Ferdinando as the means of communica-
tion permitted, and the confidant of his plans.^

When, therefore, he offered all the oppofition to Endicott
which he dared, and thwarted him fo far as he could, he was
not a6ting for himfelf alone. He reprefented, in a degree at
leaft, what in England was a powerful combination. Accord-
ingly, with an over-confidence in the refult born of his fan-
guine faith in the power and influence of his patron, he now
feems to have gone back to the lefs objeftionable of his old
courfes. He did not renew the trade in fire-arms and am-
munition, for he probably had none to fpare, and experience
had taught him how dangerous it was. He did, however,
deal with the favages as he faw fit, and on his own account,
openly expreffing his contempt for Endicott s authority, and
doing all he could to excite the jealoufy and difcontent of
the " old planters." ^ His own profits at this time were, he
fays, fix and feven fold.

This ilate of things could not continue. Accordingly, as
the year drew to a clofe, Endicott made an effort to arreft
him. Morton, however, was now on his guard. Getting
wind of what was intended, he concealed his ammunition
and moil neceffary goods in the foreft ; and, when the mef-
fengers, fent acrofs the bay to feize him, landed on the
beach at the foot of Mount Wollafl;on, he was nowhere to
be found. He fays that they ranfacked his houfe, and took

from

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. ^^T. ^ In/ra, *i6o.

42 Thomas Morton

from it all the provender they could find ; but when they
were gone he replenifhed his fupplies with the aid of his
gun, and "did but deride Captain Litdeworth, that made
his fervants fnap fhorte in a country fo much abounding
with plenty of foode for an induftrious man." This hap-
pened about Chriftmas, 1629.^

Could Endicott now have laid hands upon him there can
be little room for doubt that Morton would have been fum-
marily dealt with ; but for the prefent the deputy-gov-
ernor's attention was otherwife occupied. This was that
winter of 1629-30, the famine and ficknefs of which came fo
near to bringing the Salem fettlement to a premature end.
During that flruggle for exiflence the magiflrate had no
time to attend to Morton's cafe. But he was not the man
to forget it.

With the following fummer the great migration, which
was to fix the chara6ler of New England, began. Inftead
of a veffel fitted out for Oldham under the patronage of
Gorges, the Mary & yohn, chartered by the Maffachufetts
Company and having on board 140 paffengers from the
Weft of England, anchored off Hull on the 30th of May.
A fortnight later Governor Winthrop reached Salem, and
on the 17th of June he alfo came into Bofl;on Harbor; and
Morton, from Mount Wollafton, muft have watched his
veffel with anxious eyes as, in full view from his houfe, it
made its way up the channel to the mouth of the Myftic.
He mufl; alfo have realized that its appearance in thofe
waters boded him no good.

1 Infra, *i6i.

Of Merry-Mount 43

In a few days more the whole fleet, numbering twelve
fail in all, was at anchor off Charleftown, and the work of dif-
charging paffengers was going a6lively on. Of thefe there
were nearly a thoufand ; ^ and now the bufy and fatal fum-
mer experience of 1630 was fairly entered upon.

For a few weeks longer Morton continued to live undif-
turbed at Mount WoUafton. The confuflon and buftle of
landing, and afterwards the terror and fenfe of bereavement
which followed hard on pefl;ilence, prote6led him. It was
not until the 23d of Augufl;, or the prefent 2d of September,
that the magifbrates held any formal fefllon. They then met
at the great houfe at Charleftown,^ as it would feem, Win-
throp, Dudley, Saltonftall, Pynchon, Bradflreet and others
being prefent. After fome more important bufinefs had been
difpofed of, " It was ordered, that Morton, of Mount Woolifon,
fhould prefently be fent for by proceffe." ^ Of the circum-
llances of his arrefl under the warrant thus iffued Morton
has given no account. Apparently he felt it was ufelefs to
try to evade the meffengers, and reliftance was wholly out of
the queflion. At the next feffion of the magiftrates, held
two weeks later, on what would now be the 1 7th of Septem-
ber, he was formally arraigned. In addition to thofe already
named as being at the earlier meeting, Endicott was now
prefent. He had probably come down from Salem to give
his perfonal attention to Morton's cafe. It mufl from the
outfet have been apparent to the prifoner that the tribunal
before which he flood was one from which he had nothing

^ Young's Chron. o/Mafs., p. 311. ^ Records, vol. i p. 74.

^ Winthrop, vol. i. p. *3o.

44 Thomas Morton

to hope. The proceedings were in fa6t fummary. It would
feem, from his own account of them,^ that he endeavored to
humble himfelf, and, that failing, he made a fort of plea to
the jurifdiflion of the Court. Neither fubmiffion nor plea
produced any effeft. On the contrary he was apparently
cut fhort in his defence and his proteft by impatient excla-
mations, and even bidden to hold his peace and hearken to
his fentence. It appears in the records as follows : —

" It is ordered by this prefent Court, that Thomas Morton, of Mount Wal-
liflon, fhall prefently be fett into the bilbowes, and after fent prifoner into
England, by the fhipp called the Gifte, nowe returning thither ; that all his
goods fhalbe feazed upon to defray the charge of his tranfportation, payment
of his debts, and to give fatisfa6tion to the Indians for a cannoe hee unjuflly
tooke away from them ; and that his howfe, after the goods are taken out, fhal-
be burnt downe to the ground in the fight of the Indians, for their fatisfadion,
for many wrongs hee hath done them from tyme to tyme." ^

Unfortunately, Winthrop's admonitory remarks in impof-
ing this fentence have not been preferved. There is, how-
ever, in the New Canaan, an expreffion which apparently
formed a part of them.^ It is that in which it is affigned as
a reafon for the deflruftion of the houfe at Mount Wollaf-
ton, that " the habitation of the wicked fhould no more
appear in Ifrael." In compliance with the terms of this
fentence, Morton was fet in the ftocks ; and while there, he
tells us, the favages came and looked at him, and wondered
what it all meant. He was not, however, fent back to Eng-
land in the Gift, as the mailer of that veffel declined to
carry him ; for what reafon does not appear. It was not in

fad

1 Infra, *i63. » Infra, *i63.

'^ Records, vol i p. 75-

Of Merry-Mount 45

fadl until nearly four months after his arrefl that a paffage
was fecured for him in the Handmaid. Even then, Mave-
rick afterwards ftated that Morton, obdurate to the laft,
refufed to go on board the veflel, upon the ground that he
had no call to go there, and fo had to be hoifted over her
fide by a tackle.^ His houfe alfo was burned down ; but the
execution of this part of his fentence, he afferts, — and his
affertion is confirmed by Maverick, — was vindi6lively de-
layed until he was on his way into banifhment, when it was
executed rather in his fight, it would feem, than in that of
the favages. Of the voyage to England there is an account
in the New Canaan that is rather more rambling and inco-
herent than is ufual even with Morton.^

The Handmaid appears to have been unfeaworthy, and
infufiiciently fupplied. She had a long and tempefhuous
paffage, in the courfe of which Morton came very near
flarving, no provifion having been made for his fubfiflence
except a very inadequate one out of his own fupplies.

The fecond arrefl of Morton was equally defenfible with
the firft. According to his own account he had fyftemati-
cally made himfelf a thorn in Endicott's fide. He had
refufed to enter into any covenants, whether for trade or
government, and he had openly derided the magiflrate and
eluded his meffengers. This could not be permitted. He
dwelt within the limits of the Maffachufetts charter, and the
Company was right when it infl;ru6led Endicott that all liv-
ing there " mufl live under government and a like law."
It was neceffary, therefore, that Morton fhould either give in

his

1 Coll. ofN. V. Hijl. Soc. (1869), p. 42. 2 i,if a^ *t86-7.

46 Thomas Morton

his adhefion, or that he fhould be compelled to take himfelf
off. This, however, was not the ground which the magiflrates
took. Nothing was faid in the fentence of any difregard of
authority or difobedience to regulation. No reference was
made to any illicit dealings with the Indians, or to the trade
in fire-arms. Offences of this kind would have juftified the
extreme feverity of a fentence which went to the length of
ignominious phyfical punifhment, complete confifcation of
property and banifhment ; leaving only whipping, mutila-
tion or death uninflifted. No fuch offences were alleged.
Thofe which were alleged, on the contrary, were of the moft
trivial charafter. They were manifeflly trumped up for the
occafion. The accufed had unjuftly taken away a canoe from
fome Indians ; he had fired a charge of fhot among a troop
of them who would not ferry him acrofs a river, wounding one
and injuring the garments of another; he was "a proud, in-
Iblent man " againft whom a " multitude of complaints were
received, for injuries done by him both to the Englifh and
the Indians."^ Thofe fpecified, it may be prefiamed, were
examples of the refl. They amount' to nothing at all, and
were afterwards very fitly chara6lerized by Maverick as
mere pretences. Apparently confcious of this, Dudley, the
deputy-governor, in referring to the matter a few months
later in his letter to the Countefs of Lincoln, fays that
Morton was fent to England "for that my Lord Chief
Juftice there fo required, that he might punifh him capi-
tally for fouler mifdemeanors there perpetrated." Bradford
alfo, in referring to the matter, ftates that Morton was

" vehemently

1 Young's Chro7i. of Mafs., p. 321 ; Proc. Mafs. Hiji. Soc, 1860-2, p. 133.

Of Merry 'Mount. 47

" vehemently fufpe6led " of a murder, and that " a warrant
was fent from the Lord Chief Juflice to apprehend him." ^

There can be no doubt that there was a warrant from the
King's Bench againfh Morton in Winthrop's hands,^ but in
all probability it was nothing more nor lefs than a fort of
Englifh lettre de cachet. Morton's record in New England
was perfeftly well known in London at the time Winthrop
was making his preparations to crofs. His relations with
Oldham and Gorges mufl often have been difcuffed at the
affiftants' meetings, and they were not ignorant of the fact
that he had gone back to Plymouth with Allerton. They
muft have fufpe6led that he went back as an agent or emif-
fary of Gorges, and they may have known that he fo went
back. In any event, they did not propofe to have him live
within the limits of their patent. He was an undefirable
chara6ler. The warrant, therefore, was probably obtained
in advance, on fome vague report or fufpicion of a criminal
a6l, to be at hand and ready for ufe when needed.^ It could
not legally run into New England, any more than it could
into Scotland or Ireland.* Then, and at no later time, would
Winthrop have recognized it in any other cafe ; and, even
in this cafe, no reference is made to it in the colony records.
Had it been so referred to, it might have been cited as a
precedent.

Moreover fuch a requifition, though it might have war-
ranted the return of Morton to England, certainly did not

warrant

^ Bradford, p. 253. ment muft not be brought by losua

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57. [Winthrop] in vaine."

3 Morton fays {Infra, *i63) "the * Mafs. Hi/l. Soc, Lowell Inft. Lec-
Snare muft now be ufed ; this inftru- tures (1869), p. 377.

48 Thomas Morton

warrant the confifcation of all his property and the burning
of his houfe in advance of trial and convidlion there. In
point of faft the requifition was a mere pretext and cover.
The Maffachufetts magiftrates, fo far as Morton was con-
cerned, had made up their minds before he ftood at their bar.
He was not only a " libertine," as they termed it, but he was
fufpecled of being a fpy. His prefence at Mount Wollaflon
they did not confider defirable, and fo they propofed to purge
the country of him ; and if not in one way, then in another.
His cafe is not lingular in Maffachufetts annals ; it is merely
the firft of its kind. It eftablifhed a precedent much too
often followed thereafter. Morton was one of thofe who, as
it was expreffed in a traft of the time printed in London,
" muft have elbow-roome, and cannot abide to be fo pinioned
with the ftri6l government in the Commonwealth, or difci-
pline in the church. Now why fhould fuch live there 1 As
Ireland will not brooke venomous beafls, fo will not that
land [New England] vile perfons and loofe livers." ^

Many times, in the years which followed, the country was
purged of other of thefe " vile perfons and loofe livers," in
much the fame way that it was now purged of Morton. It
may, however, well be queflioned whether it ever derived ben-
efit from the procefs. Certainly Morton's cafe was as flrong
as any cafe well could be. There was abfolutely nothing to
be faid in his favor. He was a lawlefs, recklefs, immoral
adventurer. And yet, as the refult will fhow, in fending Mor-
ton back to England, the viftim of high-handed juftice, the
Maffachufetts magiftrates committed a ferious blunder. They

had

1 I. Mafs. Hijt. Coll.y vol. i. p. 250.

Of Merry-Mount 49

had much better have left him alone under the harrow of
their authority. At Mount Wollafton he was at worfl but a
nuifance. They drove him away from there and fent him
back to London ; and at Whitehall he became a real danger.
This part of his ftory is now to be told.

Bradford fays, and he is generally correal in his flate-
ments, that when at lafl Morton reached England " he lay
a good while in Exeter jail." ^ There is no allufion to any-
thing of the fort in the New Canaan ; and it would not feem
that he could have been very long a prifoner, as the next
affizes and jail-delivery mull have fet him free. There could
have been nothing on w^hich to make him ftand a trial.
Accordingly the following year he was at liberty and bufily
concerned in Gorges's intrigues for the overthrow of the
Maffachufetts charter.

The houfe in which Gorges lived — as formerly it had
been the point of gathering of all who had vifited the Amer-
ican coafl, or could add anything to the flock of information
concerning it — was now the headquarters for thofe who had
any complaint to make or charges to prefer againfl the
magiftracy of Maffachufetts. Afting in concert with Captain
John Mafon, the patentee of New Hampfhire, he was exerting
himfelf to the utmofl to fecure a revocation of King Charles's
charter. The attack was made on the 19th of December,
1632, and it was a formidable one. It affumed the fliape of
a petition to the Privy Council, aiking the Lords to inquire
into the methods through which the royal charter for the
Maffachufetts Bay had been procured, and into the abufes

which

* Bradford, p. 253.

50 Thomas Morton

which had been pra6lifed under it. Befides many injuries
infli6ted on individuals in their property and perfons, the
Company was alfo charged with feditious and rebellious
defigns, fubverfive alike of church and of ftate. The various
allegations were bafed on the affidavits of three witneffes, —
Thomas Morton, Philip Ratcliff and Sir Chriflopher Gardi-
ner. Behind thefe was the adive and energetic influence
of Gorges and Mafon.^

It is not neceffary in this connexion to go into any
detailed ftatement of the wrongs complained of by Ratcliff
and Gardiner. They were of the fame nature, though even
more pronounced than thofe of Morton. The country had
in faft been purged of all three of thefe individuals. The
original document in which they fet forth their cafes, and
made accufation againfl the magiftrates, has unfortunately
been loft. In referring to it afterwards Winthrop faid that
it contained " fome truths mifrepeated." ^ Apart from fevere
judgments on alleged wrong-doers, including whipping,
branding, mutilating, banifhment and confifcation of proper-
ty, the burden of the accufation lay in the difpolition to
throw off allegiance to the mother country, which was dif-
tin6lly charged againft the colony.

A harfh coloring was doubtlefs given in the petition to
whatever could be alleged. So far as calling off their alle-
giance to the mother country was concerned, nothing can
be more certain than that neither the leaders nor the
common people of New England entertained at that time
any thought of it ; but it is quite equally certain that the

leaders

1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon^ vol. i. p. 336. ^ winthrop, vol. i. p. *I02.

Of Merry-Mount 5 1

leaders at leaft were deeply diffatisfied with the courfe public
affairs were then taking in England. They were Puritans,
and this was the period of the Star Chamber and the High
Commiffion. No parliament had been called fmce 1629,
and it was then publicly announced at Court that no
more parliaments were to be called. There is no reafon
to fuppofe that the early fettlers of Maffachufetts were a
peculiarly reticent race. On the contrary it is well known
that they were much given to delivering themfelves and
bearing evidence on all occafions ; and in doing fo they
unqueflionably railed and declaimed quite freely againfl
thofe then prominent in the council-chamber and among
the bifhops. That there was a latent fpirit in New England
ripe for rebellion was alfo, probably, afferted in the lofh
document. However Winthrop might deny it, and deny it
honeflly, this alfo was true ; and fubfequent events, both in
Maffachufetts and in England, fhowed it to be fo. In the
light of their fympathies and fufferings, Morton and Gardi-
ner probably realized the drift of what they had heard faid
and feen done in New England a good deal better than
Winthrop.

The refult of the Morton-Gardiner petition was the ap-
pointment of a committee of twelve Lords of the Council,
to whom the whole matter was referred for inveftigation and
report. The committee was empowered to fend for perfons
and papers, and a long and apparently warm hearing enfued.
The friends of the Company found it neceflary to at once
beftir themfelves. Cradock, Saltonflall and Humfrey filed a
written anfwer to the complaint, and fubfequently, at the
hearing, they received efficient aid from Emanuel Downing,

Winthrop's

52 Thomas Morton

Winthrop's brother-in-law, and Thomas Wiggin, who lived
at Pifcataqua, but now moil opportunely chanced to be in
London.

At the Court of Charles I. everything was matter of influ-
ence or purchafe. The founders of Maffachufetts were men
juft abreaft of their time, and not in advance of it. There
is good ground on which to fufpeft that they did not hefi-
tate to have recourfe to the means then and there neceffary
to the attainment of their ends. It has never been explained,
for inilance, how the charter of 1629 was originally fecured.^
When Allerton, at the fame time, tried to obtain a fimilar
charter for the Plymouth colony, he found that he had to
buy his way at every ftep, and Bradford complained bitterly
of the " deale of money veainly and lavifhly cafl away." ^ That
the original patentees of Maffachufetts bribed fome courtier
near the King, and through him bought their charter, is
wholly probable. Every one bribed, and almoft every one
about the King took bribes. That the patentees had pow-
erful influence at Court is certain ; exadily where it lay is not
apparent. The Earl of Warwick interefted himfelf a6lively
in their behalf. It was he who fecured for them their patent
from the Council for New England. But Warwick, though
a powerful nobleman, was " a man in no grace at Court ; "
on the contrary, he was one of thofe " whom his Majelty had
no efteem of, or ever purpofed to trufl." ^ Winthrop fays
that in the Morton-Gardiner hearing his brother-in-law,
Emanuel Downing, was efpecially ferviceable.* Downing

was

1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 391. ■* Winthrop, vol. i. p. *ioo. Down-

2 Bradford, pp. 251-2. ing fent a detailed account of the hear-
8 Clarendon's Rebellion^ B. iii. § 27 ; ing, now loft, to Winthrop ; see Hutch-

B. VI. § 404. infon, vol. ii. p. 2.

Of Merry-Mount. 5 3

was a lawyer of the Inner Temple.-^ There is reafon to
fuppofe that he had accefs to influential perlbns, — poffibly
Lord Dorchefter may have been amongft them.^ However
this may be, whether by means of influence or bribery, the
hearing before the Committee of the Privy Council was
made to refult difaflroufly for the complainants. Gorges
took nothing by his motion. In due time the Committee
reported againfh any interference with the Company at that
time. Such grounds of complaint as did not admit of expla-
nation they laid to the "faults or fancies of particular men,"
and thefe, they declared, were " in due time to be inquired
into." King Charles himfelf alfo had evidently been labored
with through the proper channels, and not without e£fe6l.
Not only did he give his approval to the report of the Com-
mittee, but he went out of his way to further threaten with
condign punifliment thofe " who did abufe his governor and
the plantation."

Gorges's carefully prepared attack had thus ended in com-
plete failure. The danger, however, had been great, nor
was its importance undereftimated in Maffachufetts. This
clearly appears in Winthrop's fubfequent a6lion ; for when,
four months later, in May, 1633, information of the final
a6lion of the Council reached him, he wrote a letter of grave
jubilation to Governor Bradford, giving him the glad news,
and inviting him to join " in a day of thankfgiving to our
mercifull God, who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor-
reftion, fo he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoyfmg in
our deliverance out of fo defperate a danger." ^

Though

1 IV. Mafs. Hiji. Coll, vol. vi. p. 2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 392.

33) n. 3 Bradford, p. 297.

54 Thomas Morton

Though badly defeated, and for the time being no doubt
difcouraged, Gorges and Morton were not difpofed to defift
from their efforts. As the latter expreffed it, they had been
too eager, and had " effe6led the bufmefs but fuperficially." ^
They had alfo committed the ferious miflake of underefti-
mating the ilrength and influence of their antagonifts. If
Gorges, however, was at home anywhere, he was at home
juft where he had now received his crufhing defeat, — in the
antechambers of the palace. All his life he had been work-
ing through Court influences. Through them, after the
Effex infurre6tion, he had faved his neck from the block.
If Court influence would have availed to fecure it, in 1623
he would have pre-empted the whole territory about Bofton
Bay as the private domain of himfelf and his defcendants.
At Whitehall he was an enemy not lightly to be difre-
garded; and this Winthrop and his colleagues foon had
caufe to realize.

Thwarted by flrong influences in one direftion, Gorges
went to work to fecure flronger influences in another direc-
tion. He knew the ground, and his plan of operations was
well conceived. To follow it out in detail is not poffible.
Here and there a fad; appears ; the reft is inference and fur-
mife. The King was the obje6live point. Of him it is not
neceffary here to fpeak at length, for his charafter is too
well underftood. Dignified in his bearing, and in perfonal
chara6ler purer than his times, — a devout, well-intentioned
man, — Charles was a fliallow, narrow-minded bigot, with a
difeafed belief in that divinity which doth hedge a king. He

would

^ Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I90.

Of Merry- Mount. 55

would have made an ideal, average Englifh country gentle-
man. After the manner of fmall, obflinate men, he believed
intenfely in a few things. One was his own royal fuprem-
acy and his refponfibility, not to his people but to his king-
fhip. He was nothing of a ftatefman, and as a politician
he was his own worfl enemy. His idea of government was
the Spanifh one : the king had a prime-minifter, and that
prime-minifter was the king's other and fecond felf. In
Charles's cafe Buckingham was at firfb prime-minifter; and,
when Buckingham was affafiinated, he was in due time fuc-
ceeded by Laud. Abbot, Archbifhop of Canterbury, had
not died until Augufl 4, 1633, and a few days later Laud
was appointed to fucceed him. He thus became primate
almoll exaftly eight months after the firft attack on the
charter. It was through him that Gorges now went to work
to influence the King and to control the courfe of events
in New England. His method can be explained in four
words : Laud hated a Puritan.

At firft the fecret connexion of Gorges and Morton with
the events which now enfued is matter of pure furmife.
There is no dire6l evidence of it in the records or narra-
tives. At a later period it becomes more apparent. As a
matter of furmife, however, bafed on the fubfequent develop-
ment of events, it feems probable that in February, 1634, the
attention of the Archbifhop, and through him that of the
Privy Council, was called to the large emigration then going
on to New England of " perfons known to be ill-affe6led and
difcontented, as well with the civil as ecclefiaftical govern-
ment." ^ As Gorges himfelf expreffed it, " numbers of people

1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojion. vol. i. p. 338.

56 Thomas Morton

of all forts flocked thither in heaps." ^ Several veffels, already
loaded with paffengers and ftores, were then lying in the
Thames. An Order in Council was forthwith iffued ftaying
thefe veffels, and calling upon Cradock to produce the Com-
pany's charter. So far as the veffels were concerned it foon
appeared that the Company was flill not without friends in
the Council; and, "for reafons beft known to their Lord-
fhips," they were permitted to fail.^ Doubtlefs this deten-
tion, as the fubfequent more rigid reftraint, was " grounded
upon the feveral complaints that came out of thofe parts of
the divers fe(5ls and fchifms that were amongft them, all con-
temning the public government of the ecclefiaftical flate."
Ratcliff was now looked upon as a lunatic,^ and Gardiner
had difappeared. Morton alone remained ; and it is fafe to
furmife that he was the fountain-head of thefe complaints,
as Gorges was the channel which conveyed them to Laud.
As refpefts the charter, Cradock made reply to the order
for its produ6lion that it was not in his hands, — that Win-
throp, four years before, had taken it to New England. He
was diredled to fend for it at once. Here the matter refted,
and to all appearances Gorges had met with one more
check. The releafe of the veffels was ordered on the laft
day of February, 1634.

^ III. Mafs. Hiji. Coll., vol. vi. p. 80. far as New England hiftory is con-

2 Mem. HiJi. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 338. cerned, may fairly be made an excep-

The reference here, as at fome other tion to this rule. His knowledge is fo

places, is to Deane's chapter on " The exhaullive and his accuracy fo great that

Charter of King Charles I." As a rule, a reference to him I confider juftas good

in works of this defcription, dealing and as permiffible as a reference to the

with the fources of hiftory, it is not original authorities,

permiffible to refer to contemporaneous ^ Winthrop, vol. i. p. ^^^^ n.
authorities. Mr. Deane, however, fo

Of Merry-Mount 5 7

A new move on the chefs-board was now made by fome
one. Who that fome-one was is again matter of furmife.
Hitherto the few matters which from time to time came up,
relating to the colonies, had been confidered in the full
Privy Council. There the Maffachufetts Company had
fhown itfelf a power. Special tribunals, however, were at
this jun6lure greatly in vogue at Whitehall. The Council
of the North, the Star Chamber, the Court of High Com-
miffion, were in full operation. To them all political work
was configned, and in the two lafl Laud was fupreme. Up
to this time, however, the need of any fpecial tribunal to
look after the affairs of the colonies had not made itfelf felt.
The hiftorians of New England have philofophized a great
deal over the confiderations of ilate which, during the reign
of Charles, diftated the royal policy towards New England ; ^
but it is more than doubtful whether confiderations of ftate
had anything to do with that policy. The remotenefs and
inlignificance of early New England, fo far as the Englilh
Court was concerned, is a thing not eafy now to realize. It
may be taken for certain that King and Primate rarely gave
a thought to it, much lefs matured a definite or rational pol-
icy. Their minds were full of more important matters.
They were intent on queftions of tonnage and poundage,
on monopolies, and all poffible ways and means of raifing
money ; they were thinking of the war with Spain, of Went-
worth's Irilh policy, of the Englifh oppofition, and the
Scotch church fyftem. So far as New England was con-
cerned they were mere puppets to be jerked to and fro by

the

^ Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 391-3.

58 Thomas Morton

the firings of Court influence, — now granting a charter at
the inftance of one man, and then reftraining veffels at the
initance of another, — defending " our governor " one day,
and threatening to have his ears cropped the next.

In certain quarters it feems now, however, to have been
decided that this condition of affairs was to continue no
longer. A fpecial tribunal fhould be created, to take charge
of all colonial matters. This move feems to have grown
out of the Order in Council of February 21, and to have
been diredled almofl: exclufively to the management of
affairs in New England, whence complaint mainly came.
Accordingly, on the loth of April, a commiffion paffed the
great feal eftabhfhing a board with almofl unlimited power
of regulating plantations. Laud was at the head of it.
There would feem to be every reafon to affume that this
tribunal was created at the fuggeflion of Laud, and in con-
fequence of the undecided courfe purfued by the Council as
a whole, two months before, in the matter of the detained
veffels. A further inference, from what went before and
what followed, is that Lauds a6tion was flimulated and
fhaped by Gorges. He was the aftive promoter of com-
plaints and fcandals from New England. In other words,
the organization of this colonial board, through Laud's influ-
ence and with Laud fupreme in it, was Gorges s firfl move
in the next and mofl formidable attack on the charter of the
Maffachufetts Bay.

The plan now matured by Gorges was a large one. He
had no idea of being balked of the prize which it had been
the dream and the effort of his life to fecure. He meant
yet to grafp a government for himfelf, and an inheritance

for

Of Merry-Mount. 5 9

for his children, in New England. So far as the fettlement
of that country was concerned, what he for thirty years
had been vainly ruining himfelf to bring about was now
accompliihing itfelf ; but it was accomplifhing itfelf not only
without his aid, but in a way which gravely threatened his
intereils. The people who were fwarming to New England
refufed to recognize his title, and abufed and expelled his
agents. It was clear that the Council for New England was
not equal to dealing with fuch a crifis. It was neceffary to
proceed through fome other agency. The following fcheme
was, therefore, ilep by ftep devifed.

The territory held under the great patent of the Council
for New England extended from Maine to New Jerfey.
This whole region was, by the a6lion of the Council, to be
divided in feveralty among its remaining members, and the
patent was then to be furrendered to the King, who there-
upon was to confirm the divifion jufi: made.^ The Council
being thus gotten out of the way, the King was to alTume
the dire6l government of the whole territory, and was to
appoint a governor-general for it. Sir Ferdinando Gorges
was to be that governor-general.^ He would thus go out
to his province clothed with full royal authority ; and
the iffue would then be, not between the fettlers of Maffa-
chufetts, afting under the King's charter, and that " carcafs
in a manner breathlefs," the Council for New England, but
between a fmall body of difobedient fubjefls and the King's
own reprefentative. The fcheme was a well-devifed one.

1 Briefe Narration^ in. Mafs. Hift. 2 Proc. of Amer. Antzq^, Soc, 1867,
Coll., vol. vi. p. 82. Hazard, vol. i. p. 124. Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 233. Haz-
p. 390-4. ard, vol. i. p. 347.

6o Thomas Morton

It was nothing more nor lefs than the colonial or New Eng.
land branch of Strafford's " Thorough." It was a part,
though a fmall part, of a great fyftem.

The firfl ftep in carrying out the programme was to fecure
the appointment of the Commiffion of April lo. The influ-
ence of the Archbifhop being affured, there was no difficulty
in this. The board was compofed of twelve members of the
Privy Council. Laud himfelf was at the head of it, and with
him were the Archbifhop of York, the Earls of Portland,
Manchefler, Arundel and Dorfet, Lord Cottington, Sir
Thomas Edmunds, Sir Henry Vane, and Secretaries Cooke
and Windebank. Any five or more of thefe Commiffioners
were to conftitute a quorum, and their powers were of the
largeft defcription. They could revoke all charters previ-
oufly granted, remove governors and appoint others in the
places of thofe removed, and even break up fettlements if
they deemed it beft fo to do. They could inflifl punifhment
upon all offenders, either by imprifonment, " or by lofs of life
or member." It was in fa6l a commiffion of " right divine."
It embodied the whole royal policy of King Charles, as for-
mulated by Wentworth and enforced by Laud. The new
Commiffion was not flow in proceeding to its appointed work,
and the potency of Gorges's influence in it was fhown by his
immediate defignation as governor-general.^ How clofe
Morton then flood to him may be inferred from the following
letter, which fhows alfo that he was well informed as to all
that was going on.^ It was written exadly three weeks after

the

1 Hazard, vol. i. p. 347. uted to the colt of arrefting Morton in

2 Williamjeffreys wasoneoftheRob- 1628 and fending him to England. Mor-
ert Gorges Company. He had contrib- ton, in writing to him, could not but have

been

Of Merry-Mount 6 1

the appointment of the Commiffion, and was addreffed to
William Jeffreys at Weffaguffet : —

My very good Gossip, — If I fhould commend myfelf to you, you reply
with this proverb, — Propria lausfordet m ore: but to leave impertinent falute,
and really to proceed. — You fhall hereby underftand, that, although, when I
was firft fent to England to make complaint againft Ananias and the brethren,
I effe6led the bufmefs but fuperficially, (through the brevity of time,) I have
at this time taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a better pafs.
And it is thus brought about, that the King hath taken the bufmefs into his own
hands. The Maffachufetts Patent, by order of the council, was brought in
view ; the privileges there granted well fcanned upon, and at the council board
in public, and in the prefence of Sir Richard Saltonftall and the refl, it was
declared, for manifeft abufes there difcovered, to be void. The King hath
reaffumed the whole bufmefs into his own hands, appointed a committee of
the board, and given order for a general governor of the whole territory to be
fent over. The commiffion is paffed the privy feal, I did fee it, and the fame
was I mo. Mali fent to the Lord Keeper to have it pafs the great feal for
confirmation ; and I now flay to return with the governor, by whom all com-
plainants fhall have relief : ^ So that now Jonas being fet afhore may fafely

cry,

been aware of this ; but not improbably, It was a childifli outbreak of delight and

during the time of his return to Mount vanity.

Wollafton in 1630, he had feen more of 1 There is fome confufion about thefe

Jeffreys, and found that he too, like the dates. The letter itfelf is dated the ift

reft of the " old planters," looked on the of May, and the commiffion is here faid

Maffachufetts Company with jealoufy on that day to have paffed the great feal.

and apprehenfion. At that time, indeed, The commiffioners may have defignated

Jeffreys was in a6tive correfpondence Gorges as governor-general at this time,

with Gorges, and outfpoken in his com- and ordered a commiffion as fuch to be

plaints, (iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. at once made out to him ; but a year

p. 3.) Hence the famiHarity of the ad- later the King's intention of appointins^

drefs. It is apparent from the letter, him was formally announced. {P roc. of

however, that Morton, when he wrote it, Aincr. Antig. Soc, 1867, p. 120.) The

was fo fure of his pofition and fo elated probability is that the bufmefs relating

with a fenfe of his own importance that to the colonies was regarded as of little

he could not contain himfelf. He could moment and done in the moft carelefs

not refift the defire to let his old acquaint- and irregular way, hardly a record even

ances in America know what an impor- of it being kept. Some proceedings were

tant perfonage he had become, and he thus begun and not carried out, and

probably hoped they would fhow the other things were done twice,
letter to Winthrop and every one elfe.

62 Thomas Morton

cry, repent you cruel feparatifts, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If
Jove vouchfafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the feparatifts will fall
afunder. Repent you cruel fchifmatics, repent.^ Thefe things have happened,
and I fhall fee, (notwithftanding their boafling and falfe alarms in the Maffa-
chufetts, with feigned caufe of thankfgiving,) their mercilefs cruelty rewarded,
according to the merit of the fa6t, with condign punifhment for coming into
thefe parts, like Sampfon's foxes with fire-brands at their tails.^ The King
and Council are really poffeffed of their prepoflerous loyalty and irregular
proceedings, and are incenfed againfl them : and although they be fo oppo-
fite to the catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to perform them, or
at leaftwife, fuffer them to be put in pra6lice to their forrow. In matter of
reftitution and fatisfadion, more than myftically, it mufl be performed vifibly,
and in fuch fort as may be fubje61; to the fenfes in a very lively image. My
Lord Canterbury having, with my Lord Privy Seal, caufed all Mr. Cradock's
letters to be viewed, and his apology in particular for the brethren here, pro-
tefted againft him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of impofterous
knaves ; fo that, for all their great friends, they departed the council chamber
in our view with a pair of cold fhoulders. I have ftaid long, yet have not
loft my labor, although the brethren have found their hopes fruftrated ; fo
that it follows by confequence, I fhall fee my defire upon mine enemies : and
if John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had taught him to fing clamavi
in the Fleet before this time, and if he return before I depart, he will pay
dear for his prefumption. For here he finds me a fecond Perfeus : I have
uncafed Medufa's head, and fl:ruck the brethren into aftonifhment. They
find, and will yet more to their fliame, that they abufe the word and are to
blame to prefume fo much, — that they are but a word and a blow to them
that are without. Of thefe particulars I thought good, by fo convenient a
meffenger, to give you notice, left you fhould think I had died in obfcurity,
as the brethren vainly intended I Ihould, and bafely pradifed, abufing juftice
by their finifler pra6lices, as by the whole body of the committee, una voce,
it was concluded to be done, to the difhonor of his majefty. And as for Rat-
cliffe, he was comforted by their lordfliips with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's

ears :

1 Morton is here quoting from the publifhed until three years later. (See

New Ca?taan, (p. *i88) and its very laft Infra, pp. 78-9-)
page. It would feem, therefore, now to '^ Supra, pp. 44-5.
have been written, though it was not

Of Merry-Mount 63

ears : which fhows what opinion is held amongft them of King Winthrop with
all his inventions and his Amfterdam fantaftical ordinances, his preachings,
marriages, and other abufive ceremonies, which do exemplify his deteflation
to the Church of England, and the contempt of his majefty's authority and
wholefome laws, which are and will be eftablifhed in thefe parts, invitd Mi-
nerva. With thefe I thought fit to falute you, as a friend, by an epifLle, be-
caufe I am bound to love you, as a brother, by the gofpel, refling your loving

friend.

THOMAS MORTON.i

Dated i Mo. Maii, 1634.

Morton is always confufed and inaccurate in his ftate-
ments, and this letter afforded no exception to the rule. It
is impoffible to be quite fure of what particular occafions he
refers to in it. He may in the fame breath be fpeaking of
different things. Whether, for inllance, the hearing to
which he alludes, at which the patent " was brought in
view," was the fame or another meeting from that in which
Cradock's letters were produced, is not clear. It would
feem as though he were fpeaking of the February hearing
before the whole Council, and yet he may be defcribing a
fubfequent hearing in April before the Lords Commiffion-
ers. He fpeaks of the " council chamber " and of " the whole
body of the Committee," and then alludes to the prefence of
Saltonflall, Humfrey and Cradock. Now thefe perfons
were before the Council in the hearing of 1632, and they
may all of them, as Cradock certainly was, have been before
it in February 1634; but Humfrey could hardly have ap-
peared before the Lords Commiffioners, as he feems to have

failed

^ This letter is in Hubbard, pp. 428- readings do not materially differ, but the
30 (11. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi.), and punctuation has been corre6led and the
in Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. *i90-i. The fpelling is modern.

64 Thomas Morton

failed for New England early in the month during which
they were appointed. The meeting which Morton defcribes,
therefore, was probably that of February 28, 1634; and it
would feem to have favored ftrongly of the Star Chamber
and High Commiffion. Cradock and Humfrey were appar-
ently fcolded and abufed by Laud in the ftyle for which he
was famous, and the admiffion by the former, that the char-
ter had gone to America, had led to his being called " an
impofterous knave," and fharply told to fend for it back at
once. The well-known foibles of the Primate had been
fkilfully played upon by accounts of Winthrop's " Amfler-
dam fantaitical ordinances, his preachings, marriages, and
other abufive ceremonies ; " and they had much the effe6l that
a red flag is known to have on a bull. Nothing was now
heard of the King's intention of feverely punifhing thofe
who abufed " his governor ; " but, on the contrary, Ratcliffe
was " comforted with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears."
Gorges was governor-general, and with him Morton expe6led
foon to depart.

Cradock's letter, enclofmg the order of the Council for
the return of the charter, reached Boflon in July. Win-
throp was then no longer governor, having been difplaced
by Dudley at the previous May election. As is well known
to all lludents of New England hiflory, the famous parch-
ment, ftill in the office of the fecretary of the Puritan Com-
monwealth, was not fent back.^ It is unneceffary, however,
to here repeat the ftory of the ftruggle over it. Prefently
Governor Edward Winflow of Plymouth was defpatched to

England,

1 Mem. Hiji. of Bojlon^ vol. i. p. 379, n.

Of Merry-Mount 65

Eno-land, as the joint agent of the two colonies, to look after
their endangered intereils. He reached London in the
autumn of 1634, bringing with him an evafive reply to
the demand contained in Cradock's letter.

Winilow failed in the middle or latter part of July, and a
few days later, on the 4th of Augufl,^ Jeffreys came over from
Weffaguffet to Bofton, bringing to Winthrop the letter which
he had fhortly before received from Morton. It was the firft
intimation the magiilrates had of the Commiffion and of the
appointment of a governor-general. Winthrop communi-
cated the news to Dudley and the other members of the
Council, and to fome of the miniflers ; and, doubtlefs, for a
time they all nurfed an anxious hope that the exaggerations
in the letter were even greater than they really were. The
General Court met on the 25 th of Augufb. While it was
fhill in feffion, veffels arrived bringing tidings which difpelled
all doubt, and confirmed everything material that Morton
had faid. He whom the magiftrates had fo ignominioufly
punifhed, and fo contemptuoufly driven away, was evidently
in a pofition to know what thofe in authority intended. It
began to be evident that the Maffachufetts magiftrates had
undereflimated an opponent.

A full copy of the Order in Council eftablifhing the board
of Lords Commiffioners of Plantations, was now received,
and the colonifls w^ere further advifed, through their private
letters, that fhips were being furnifhed, and foldiers gotten
ready for embarkation in them. It was given out that thefe
troops and veffels were intended for Virginia, whither a new

governor

^ Winthrop, vol. i. p. *i37.

66 Thomas Morton

governor was about to be fent ; but Winthrop wrote that
in Maffachufetts the preparation was " fufpefted to be
againfl us, to compel us by force to receive a new gov-
ernor, and the difcipline of the church of England, and the
laws of the commiffioners.-^ "

The anfwer which beft expreffed the fpirit of the colony,
in reply to Laud's threats, was now found, not in the miffive
which Winflow had in charge, but in the aft of Morton's
old oppreffor, Endicott, when a few weeks later at Salem he
cut the red crofs from the ftandard. It was an aft, however,
which feemed to indicate that there was more truth than
Winthrop was difpofed to admit in Gardiner and Morton's
charge that "the minifters and people did continually rail
againfl the flate, church and bifhops."^ Six months of great
alarm and ftrenuous preparation now enfued. Steps were
taken to get together arms and ammunition, and defences
were ordered at Dorchefter and Charleftown, as well as at
Caftle Ifland. The magillrates were even empowered to
imprefs laborers for the work. In January the minifters were
fummoned to Bofhon, and the quefhion formally fubmitted to
them : " What ought we to do if a general governor Ihould
be fent out of England ? " The reply was that " we ought
not to accept him, but defend our lawful poffeffions if we are
able." In April a rumor of ftrange veffels hovering off
Cape Ann threw the whole province into a tumult. It was
fuppofed that Governor-general Gorges, with Morton in his
train, was at the harbor's mouth. It proved to be a falfe
alarm, and after that the excitement feems gradually to have

fubfided.

This

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *i43. ^ Ib.^ vol i. p. *io2.

Of Merry-Mount 67

This was in the fpring of 1635. Meanwhile Winflow had
reached England fometime early in the previous autumn.
Though he had not brought the charter with him, its pro-
dudlion does not feem to have been again immediately
called for. He probably held out confident affurances that
it would be fent over in the next veffel, as foon as the
General Court met ; but it is alfo probable that, in view of
the courfe which had now been decided upon, an examina-
tion of it was no longer deemed neceffary. The enfuing
fpring, that of 1635, had been fixed upon by Gorges and
Mafon as the time for decifive aflion. The charter was
then to be vacated, and Gorges was to go out to New Eng-
land with a force fufficient to compel obedience. All this,
however, imphed confiderable preparation. Shipping had
to be provided in the firft place. A large veffel was accord-
ingly put upon the ftocks. Rumor faid, alfo, that the new
governor-general was to take out with him a force of no lefs
than one thoufand foldiers.^ Whether this was true or not,
there can be little doubt that all through the winter of
1634-5 aftive preparations were on foot in England in-
tended againfh the Maffachufetts colony.

Befides watching thefe proceedings Winflow had other
bufinefs in London which required his appearance before the
Lords Commiffioners. He had prefented to them a petition
on behalf of the two colonies for authority to refift certain
Dutch and French encroachments. This proceeding Win-
throp had not thought well advifed,^ as he very fhrewdly
argued that it implied an abfence of authority without fuch

fpecial

1 Autobiography of Sir Simonds 2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I72.
D^Ewes, vol. ii. p. 118.

68 Thomas Morton

fpecial authorization, and might thus be drawn into a prece-
dent. Winflow, however, had none the lefs fubmitted the
petition, and feveral hearings were given upon it. Fully
advifed as to everything that was going on before the Lords
Commiffioners, Gorges did not favor this move. It author-
ized military or diplomatic aftion, the condu6l of which by
right belonged to him as governor-general of the region
within which the a6lion was to be taken. He accordingly
went to work to circumvent Winflow. What enfued throws
a great deal of light on Morton's ftanding at the time, and
the ufe that was made of him ; and it alfo explains the fig-
nificance of certain things in the New Canaan.

Laud, it will be remembered, was the head and moving
fpirit of the Lords Commiffioners. His word was final in
the Board. Upon him Gorges depended to work all his re-
fults ; which included not only his own appointment as
governor-general, with full power and authority as fuch,
but alfo the neceffary fupply of men and money to enable
him to efhablifh his fupremacy. To fecure thefe ends it was
neceffary to play continually on the Primate's diflike of the
Puritans, and his intenfe zeal in behalf of all Church forms
and ceremonies, including the ufe of the Book of Common
Prayer. The whole political and hiftorical fignificance of
the Nezv Canaan lies in this fa6l. It was a pamphlet de-
figned to work a given effe6l in a particular quarter, and
came very near being productive of lafting refults. Dedi-
cated in form to the Lords Commiffioners, it was charged
with attacks on the Separatifts, and flatements of the con-
tempt fhown by them to the Book of Common Prayer.
Finally it contained one chapter on the church practices

Of Merry-Mount 69

in New England, which was clearly defigned for the fpecial
enlightenment of the Archbiihop.^ In this chapter it is fet
down as the firfl and fundamental tenet of the New Eng-
land church " that it is the magiftrate's office abfolutely, and
not the minifler's, to join the people in lawful matrimony ;"
next, that to make ufe of a ring in marriage is a relic of
popery ; and then again " that the Book of Common Prayer
is an idol ; and all that ufe it idolaters." It now remains to
fliow how cunningly, when it came to queflions of ftate. Laud
was worked upon by thefe ftatements, and what a puppet he
became in the hands of Gorges and Morton.

Winflow's fuit had profpered. He had fubmitted to the
Lords Commiffioners a plan for accomplifhing the end
defired without any charge being impofed on the royal
exchequer, and he was on the point of receiving, as he
fuppofed, a favorable decifion. Suddenly the fecret firings
were pulled. Bradford beft tells the ftory of what enfued.

'' When Mr. Winflow fhould have had his fuit granted, (as indeed upon the
point it was,) and fhould have been confirmed, the Archbilhop put a flop
upon it, and Mr. Winflow, thinking to get it freed, went to the Board again.
But the Bifhop, Sir Ferdinando and Captain Mafon had, as it feems, pro-
cured Morton to complain. To whofe complaints Mr. Winflow made anfwer
to the good fatisfa6lion of the Board, who checked Morton, and rebuked him
iharply, and alfo blamed Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mafon for countenanc-
ing him. But the Bifhop had a further end and ufe of his prefence, for he
now began to queftion Mr. Winflow of many things, as of teaching in the
church publicly, of which Morton accufed him and gave evidence that he
had feen and heard him do it ; to which Mr, Winflow anfwered that fome-
times (wanting a minifter) he did exercife his gift to help the edification of
his brethren, when they wanted better means, which was not often. Then
about marriage, the which he alfo confeffed, that, having been called to place

^ Infra, pp. * 172-9.

70 Thomas Morton

of magiftracy, he had fometimes married fome. And further told their lord-
Ihips that marriage was a civil thing, and he found nowhere in the word of
God that it was tied to miniftry. Again they were neceffitated fo to do,
having for a long time together at firft no minifter ; befides, it was no new
thing, for he had been fo married himfelf in Holland, by the magiftrates in
their Stadt-Houfe. But in the end, to be fhort, for thefe things the Bifhop, by
vehement importunity, got the Board at laft to confent to his commitment.
So he was committed to the Fleet, and lay there feventeen weeks, or therea-
bout, before he could get to be releafed. And this was the end of this peti-
tion and this bufmefs ; only the others' defign was alfo fruftrated hereby, with
other things concurring, which was no fmall bleffing to people here." ^

For the time being, however, " the others' defign," as Brad-
ford defcribes Gorges's fcheme, fo far from being fruftrated,
moved on moft profperoufly. All the friends and agents
of the colony were now driven from the field. Cradock,
Saltonftall and Humfrey had departed the council-chamber
with " a pair of cold fhoulders." Winflow was a prifoner.
Morton had demonftrated that his boaft in the letter to Jef-
freys, that he would make his opponents " fing clamavi in
the Fleet," was not an idle one. He had not exaggerated
his power. Gorges's courfe was now clear, and his plan
developed rapidly. At a meeting of thofe ftill members
of the Council for New England, held at Lord Gorges's
houfe on the 3d of February, 1635, the next ftep was taken.
The redivifion of the feacoaft was agreed upon. It was
' now divided into eight parcels, inftead of twenty as at the
original abortive divifion of 1623; and thefe parcels were
affigned to eight feveral perfons, among whom were the
Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, and the Earls of
Arundel, Carlille and Sterling. Arundel alone of thefe was

one

1 Bradford, pp. 329-30*

Of Merry-Mount 7 1

one of the Lords Commiffioners. Gorges received Maine
as his portion ; and Mafon got New Hampfhire and Cape
Ann. Maffachufetts, fouth of Salem, was affigned to Lord
Gorges.

The divifion thus agreed on was to take e£fe6l fimultane-
oufly with the formal furrender by the Council of its great
patent. Ten weeks later, on the i8th of April, at another
meeting at Lord Gorges's houfe, a paper was read and en-
tered upon the records, in which the reafons for furrender-
ing the patent were fet forth. At a fubfequent meeting on
the 26th a petition to the King was approved, in which it
was prayed that feparate patents might be iffued fecuring to
the affociates in feveralty the domains they had affigned to
each other. A declaration from the King was alfo then
read, in which the royal intention of appointing Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges governor-general of New England was for-
mally announced. Speaking by the mouth of the King, the
Primate did not propofe " to fuffer fuch numbers of people to
run to ruin, and to religious intents to languifli, for want of
timely remedy and fovereign affiftance." Curioufly enough,
alfo, this typically Laudian fentiment was enunciated at
Whitehall the very day, the 26th of April, 1635, upon which,
on the other fide of the Atlantic, the Marblehead fifhermen
had brought in word of flrange veffels hovering myfle-
rioufly upon the coaft, caufing the Governor and affiftants
to hurry to Bofton and an alarm to be fpread through all
the towns.^

Before proceeding to ejefl; the prefent occupants of the

New

^ Supra, p. 66. Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I57.

72 Thomas Morton

New England foil, or to force them to fome compromife as
an alternative thereto, it remained for the grantees of the
now defunft Council to perfe6l their new titles. Proceed-
ings to this end were not delayed. The divifion had been
agreed upon on the 3d of February, and on the 26th of
April the new patents had been petitioned for. Ten days
later Thomas Morton was "entertained to be folicitor for
confirmation of the faid deeds under the great feal, as alfo
to profecute fuit at law for the repealing of the patent be-
longing to the Maffachufetts Company. And is to have for
fee twenty {hillings a term, and fuch further reward as
thofe who are interefted in the affairs of New England fhall
think him fit to deferve, upon the judgment given in the
caufe." A month later, on the 7th of June, 1635, the formal
furrender of its patent by the Council took place.-^

Morton, however, was not deftined to land at Bofton in
the train of Governor-general Gorges. The effort of 1634-5
was a mere repetition, on a larger and more impreffive fcale,
of the effort of 1623. The latter had refulted in the abor-
tive Robert Gorges expedition, and the former now fet all
the courts at Weflminfter in folemn aftion. Neither of
them, however, came to anything. They both failed, alfo,
from the fame caufe, — want of money. The machinery in
each cafe was impofing, and there was a great deal of it.
Seen from New England it mufl have appeared fimply over-
powering. The King, the Primate, the Lords Commiffion-
ers, the Attorney General, the Court of King's Bench, the
Great Seal, and a governor-general reprefenting the Duke

1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401 n. Mem, Hijl. of Bojion, vol. i. p. 341.

Of Merry 'Mount 73

of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton and the Earls of Arundel,
Carliile and Sterling, royal proprietors, were all at work
together to bring about the deflru6lion of. an infant colony.
When, however, it came to accomplifhing anything in a
practical way, it grew apparent by degrees that behind all
this tremendous difplay of machinery there was nothing but
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, — an a<5live-minded, adventurous
foldier, fkilled in Court ways, perfiftent and full of refource,
but with fmall means of his own, and no faculty of obtaining
means from others. When it became therefore a queftion
of real a6lion, calling for the fmews of war, the movement
flopped dead in 1635, juft as it had flopped in 1623. In
1635 I't is true. Gorges had the affiflance of Captain John
Mafon, who was an energetic man with means at his com-
mand, and it was through him that a fhip was to be pro-
vided.-^ The building of this fhip, however, without doubt
flrained to the utmoft the refources of all concerned; and
when, in launching, it fuffered a mifhap, again probably
from infufficient means, they could not make the damage
good. The royal exchequer was then as empty as Gorges's
own purfe. The King was living on benevolences, and on
fines levied upon the great nobles for encroachments on the
royal forefls. The writs to colle6t fhip-money were iffued
in this very year. The next year public offices were fold.
Under thefe circumflances no affiflance could for the pref-
ent be looked for from Charles or Laud. As for the noble
affociates, among whom the New England coafl had juft
been parcelled out, while perfedtly willing to accept great

domains

^ Winthrop, vol. i. p. *i6i, *i87.

74 Thomas Morton

domains in America, they would venture nothing more to
take aftual poffeffion of them in 1635 ^^^^ ^^ey had ven-
tured in 1623. Nothing at all was to be obtained from that
quarter. Speaking of Gorges and Mafon, and the failure
of their plans at this time, Winthrop wrote, " The Lord
fruflrated their defign." This was the pious way of putting
it. In point of fa6l, however, the real fafety of Maffachu-
fetts now depended on more homely and every-day confid-
erations. Gorges and Mafon could not raife the money abfo-
lutely neceffary to carry their delign out.

Neverthelefs, though this delay was difappointing, there
was no occafion for defpair. Things moved llowly; that
was all. Gorges reprefented the New England part of that
royal fyftem which was to ftand or fall as a whole. In the
fpring and fummer of 1635 it looked very much as if it
was deftined to Hand. There was then no thought of a
parliament at Court, or expe6lation of one among the pat-
riots. The crown lawyers were hunting up precedents which
would enable the King to levy taxes to fuit himfelf. Went-
worth had brought Ireland into a flate of perfe6t fubjeftion.
Laud was fupreme in England. The profpe6ls for " Thor-
ough " were never fo good. If " Thorough " prevailed in
England it would in Maffachufetts. There could be no
doubt of that. Meanwhile, though lack of ready means
had put it out of Gorges's power to go to New England at
once, there was no break or delay in legal proceedings. In
June, 1635, the attorney-general filed in the King's Bench a
writ of quo wai'ranto againfl the Maffachufetts Bay Com-
pany. This was the work which Thomas Morton had a
month before been " entertained to profecute," and the

promptnefs

Of Merry- Mount 75

promptnefs of the attorney-general would feem to indicate
that on Morton's part at leafh there was no failure in activ-
ity. The plan was to fet the charter afide, not becaufe of
any abufe of the powers lawfully conferred in it, but on
the ground that it was void ab initio. Every title to land
held under it would thus be vitiated. In anfwer to the fum-
mons fome of the original affociates came in and pleaded,
while others made default. Cradock made default. In his
cafe, therefore, judgment was given at the Michaelmas, or
September term, 1635, and the charter was declared void,
all the franchifes conveyed in it being refumed by the King.^
This portion of the legal work in hand, therefore, that
more particularly entrufted to Morton, feems to have been
promptly and efficiently done. As refpefts the patents for
the domains granted under the laft partition, things do not
feem to have moved fo rapidly, for towards the clofe of No-
vember a meeting of the affociates of the now diffolved
Council was held at the houfe of Lord Sterling, and a vote
paffed that fteps fhould be taken to get patents to the
individual patentees paffed the feals as foon as poffible.
Morton was in fa6l reminded of his duties.

A heavy blow was however impending over Gorges. He
himfelf was now an elderly man, verging clofe upon feventy
years.^ He could not have been as a(?l:ive and as ener-
getic

^ Palfrey, vol. i. p. 403. Mem. Hijl. was among the prifoners taken by Fair-

of Bojion^ vol. i. p. 343. fax when he ftormed Briftol in Septem-

2 In January, 1640, Richard Vines ber, 1645. (iii. Mafs. HiJl. Coll., vol.

wrote to Governor Winthrop, of Sir Fer- iii. p. 342.) He muft, however, have

dinando, that he was then " nere 80 then been a very old man, as fift3'-four

yeares ould." {iv. Mafs. HiJl. Coll., vo\. years before, in 1591, he had diftin-

vii. p. 342.) This can hardly be cor- guifhed himfelf at the fiege of Rouen,

re6l, however, as fubfequently he ferved in EiTex's Englifh contingent. (Deve-

on the royal fide in the civil wars, and reux's Earls of EJJex, vol. i. p. 271).

"j^ Thomas Morton

getic as he once had been, and even his fanguine difpo-
fition mufb have felt the ufual depreffmg influence of hope
long deferred. Mafon had of late been the mainftay of
his enterprife. Only a year before, that refolute man had
fent out a large expedition, numbering fome feventy men, to
Pifcataqua, and he was contemplating extenfive explorations
towards Lake Champlain. Morton eulogized him as a " very
good Commonwealth's man, a true fofter-father and lover of
virtue," ^ and Winthrop referred to him as " the chief mover
in all the attempts againfl us."^ In December, 1635, Mafon
died,^ and not improbably it was the anticipation of his death
which led to that meeting of the Council at which the fpeedy
iffuing of the individual patents was urged. However this
may be, the lofs of Mafon feems to have been fatal to Gor-
ges's hopes ; it was the lopping off of the right arm of his
undertakings. From that time forward there was obvioufly
no fource from which he could hope to get the money
neceffary to enable him to effe6t anything, except the royal
treafury. Of this, for two or three years yet, until the
Scotch troubles deflroyed the laft chance of the fuccefs of
the fhip-money fcheme, there feemed a very good profpefl.
Gorges, however, could not afford to wait. His remaining
time was fhort. Accordingly, after Mafon's death, little is
heard of him or of the Lords Commiffioners.

During the next feven years, confequently, the traces of
Morton are few. There is a paffmg glimpfe obtained of
him in March, 1636, through a letter from Cradock to Win-
throp,

1 l7tfra, *98. alfo referred to in the fame work, vol.

2 See further on this fubje6l, Win- ii. p. *i2.

throp, vol. i. pp. *i6i, *i87 ; which is ^ Hazard, vol. i, p. 400.

Of Merry-Mount "jj

throp,^ from which it appears he was then in London and
aftively fcheming againfl the Maffachufetts Company. He
would feem at this time to have been in the pay of one
George Cleaves, a man of fome importance and fubfe-
quently quite prominent in the early hiftory of Maine.
Cleaves apparently had propofed fome fcheme to Cradock
touching the Maffachufetts Company, and Morton came to
fee him about it. Thereupon Cradock fays, " I having no
defire to fpeak with Morton alone put him off a turn or
two on the exchange, till I found Mr. Pierce," etc. Fur-
ther on in the fame letter he fpeaks of his "greyffe and
difdayne " at the abufe heaped on the Company, and of the
" heavey burdens, there lode on me by T. M. ; " and adds,
" God forgive him that is the caufe of it."

Early in 1637, and in confequence probably of the quo
warranto proceedings, a commiffion of fome fort would
appear to have been granted to certain perfons in New
England for the government of that country.^ How or under
what circumftances this was obtained is nowhere told.
There is a myftery about it. Gorges afterwards affured
Winthrop that he knew nothing of it,^ and only a copy ever
reached America, the original, Winthrop fays, being " ftaid
at the feal for want of paying the fees." He further fays
that Cleaves procured this commiffion, as alfo a fort of
patent, or, as he calls it, " a prote6lion under the privy fignet
for fearching out the great lake of Iracoyce." From all
this it would appear that the whole thing was fome impotent
and inconfequential move on the part of Morton ; for not

only

^ IV. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 127. ^ iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p. 330.
2 Winthrop, vol. i, p. *23i.

78 Thomas Morton

only does Winthrop fay that the document was " ftaid at the
feal," but Cradock wrote that the matter in reference to
which Morton wanted to fee him, on behalf of Cleaves, re-
lated to paying the charge " in taking out fomewhat under
the feale." Gorges fpeaks of Morton as being at that time
Cleaves's agent ; and in the New Canaan, which either had
juft been publifhed or was then in the prefs, there is a
glowing account of the " great lake Erocoife," and its bound-
lefs wealth of beaver,^ to which apparently the imaginative
author had directed Cleaves's attention fujfficiently to in-
duce him to take out the " proteftion " which Winthrop
alludes to.

The year 1637 was the turning-period in the fortunes of
King Charles and of Archbifliop Laud, and confequently of
Gorges and Morton. Up to that time everything had gone
fufificiently well, if not in Maffachufetts, at leaft in England,
Ireland, and even Scotland. Now, however, the fyftem began
to break down ; giving way firft, as would naturally enough
be the cafe, at its weakeft point. This was in Scotland, where
the attempt to force Epifcopacy on the people refulted
in the famous " ftony Sabbath " on the 23d of July. The
New Canaan was probably going through the prefs during
the deceitful period of profound calm which preceded that
eventful day. Though now publifhed, there is flrong inter-
nal evidence that the book was written in 1634. Not only
does this appear from the extract from its lafl page in the
letter to Jeffreys, already referred to,^ but in another place ^
there is reference to the expedition of Henry Joffelyn for

the

1 Infra, *96-ioo. ^ Infra, *98.

2 Supra, 62, n.

Of Merry-Mount 79

the more complete difcovery of Lake Champlain, which is
mentioned as then in preparation. Henry Joffelyn left
England about the time Morton was writing to Jeffreys, or
a little earlier, and reached Pifcataqua in June, 1634.-^
Mafon, on the other hand, is mentioned as then living,
and as having fitted out the expedition of Joffelyn. Mafon,
however, it has already been feen, died in December, 1635.
Written confequently after May, 1634, the New Canaan, it
would feem, received no revifion later than 1635. ^^ repre-
fented Morton's feelings during the time when he was moft
confident of an early and triumphant return to New Eng-
land. It was publifhed jufl when the affairs of Charles and
Laud were at their full flood, and before the tide had begun
to ebb.

No mention is found of the New Canaan at the time of
its publication. It is not known, indeed, that a fingle copy
was fent out to New England. Though it mufl have caufed
no little comment and fcandal among the friends and cor-
refpondents of the colonifts, there is no allufion to it in their
publifhed letters or in the documents of the time, and in 1644
Winthrop apparently had never feen it. Bradford energeti-
cally refers to it as "an infamoufe and fcurillous booke
againfh many godly and cheefe men of the cuntrie ; full
of lyes and flanders, and fraight with profane callumnies
againfl their names and perfons, and the ways of God." ^ A
copy of it may, therefore, have been brought over to Ply-,
mouth by one of the agents of the colony, and there paffed
from hand to hand. It does not appear, however, that at

the

^ Winthrop, vol. i. p. ^\yj. 2 Bradford, p. 254.

8o Thomas Morton

the time it attra6led any general or confiderable notice in
America ; while in England, of courfe, it would have inter-
efted only a fmall clafs of perfons.

There is one fignificant reference which would feem to
indicate that the publication of the New Canaan was not
agreeable to Gorges. However much he might attack the
charter of the Maffachufetts Company, Sir Ferdinando al-
ways (howed himfelf anxious to keep on friendly terms with
the leading men of the colony. In the Briefe Narration
he takes pains to fpeak of " the patience and wifdom of
Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others
their affiflants ; " ^ and with Winthrop he was in correfpon-
dence, even authorizing him and others to aft for him in
Maine. He deceived no one by this, for Winthrop after-
wards defcribed him as '* pretending by his letters and
fpeeches to feek our welfare ; " ^ but he evidently had always
in mind that he was to go out fome day to New England
as a governor-general, and that it would not do for him to
be too openly hoftile to thofe over whom he propofed to rule.
He regarded them as his people. When, therefore, he had
occafion to write to Winthrop in Auguft, 1637, though he
made no reference to the New Canaan, which had probably
been publifhed early in the year, he took pains to fay that
Morton was " wholely caflieered from Intermedlinge with
anie our affaires hereafter."^

It is however open to queftion whether, in making this
ftatement, Gorges was not praftifmg a little of that king-
craft for which his mafler, James I., had been fo famous. In

1637

1 III. Mafs. Hijt. Coll, vol. vi. p. 8i. ^ ly. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p.

2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I2. 331.

Of Merry-Mount 8 1

1637 Morton may have been in difgrace with him ; but if
fo it was a paffmg difgrace. Four years later, in 1641, Sir
Ferdinando, as " Lord of the Province of Maine," indulged
his paffion for feudal regulation by granting a municipal
charter to the town of Acomenticus, now York. A formi-
dable document of great import, this momentous flate paper
was figned and delivered by the Lord Paramount, much as
an Englifh fovereign might have granted a franchife to his
faithful city of London ; and accordingly it was - counter-
figned by three witneffes, one of them a member of his own
family. Firft of the three witneffes to fign was Thomas
Morton.-* He evidently was in no difgrace then.

With the exception of this lignature to the Acomenticus
charter, there is no trace to be found of Morton between
Augufl 1637, when Gorges wrote that he had " cafheered "
him, and the fummer of 1643, when he reappeared once
more at Plymouth. During the whole of that time things
evidently went with him, as they did with Charles and Laud,
from bad to worfe. Once only had the Lords Commiffioners
given any figns of life. This was in the fpring of 1638,
when on the 4th of April the Board met at Whitehall. The
record of the meeting ftates that petitions and complaints
from Maffachufetts, for want of a fettled and orderly govern-
ment, were growing more frequent. This is very poffible,
for the Antinomian Controverfy was then at its height,
and indeed, the very day the Lords Commiffioners met, Mrs.
Hutchinfon, having left Bofton in obedience to Governor
Winthrop's mandate a week before, was on her way to join

her

^ Hazard, vol. i. p. 474.

82 Thomas Morton

her hulband and friends in Rhode Ifland. Under thefe cir-
cumftances, calling to mind the futile order for the return of
the charter, fent to Winthrop in 1634 through Cradock, and
taking ofhcial notice of the refult of the quo warranto pro-
ceedings, the Board refolved upon a more decided tone.
The clerk in attendance was inftru(5led to fend out to Maffa-
chufetts a peremptory demand for the immediate furrender
of the charter. It was to be fent back to London by the
return voyage of the veffel which carried out the miffive of
the Board ; " it being refolved," fo that miffive ran, " that
in cafe of any further negle6l or contempt by them fhewed
therein, their Lordfhips will caufe a llri6l courfe to be
taken againft them, and will move his Majefty to reaffume
into his own hands the whole plantation."^

If, as was probably the cafe, Morton was the fecret mover
of this adlion, it proved to be his laft effort. It was com-
pletely fruitlefs alfo. When the order reached Bofhon, fome-
time in the early fummer of 1638, it naturally caufed no
little alarm, for the apprehenfion of a general governor
had not yet difappeared. Indeed, on the 12th of April,
" a general faft [had been] kept through all the churches, by
advice from the Court, for feeking the Lord to prevent evil
that we feared to be intended againfl us from England by a
general governor."^ With the miffive of the Lords Com-
miffioners, however, came alfo tidings of " the troubles which
arofe in Scotland about the Book of Common Prayer and
the canons which the King would have forced upon the
Scotch churches." ^ The refult was that in Auguft, inftead

^ Hutchinfon's State Papers.^ p. io6. ^ Winthrop, vol. i. p. *266.

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *264.

Of Merry-Mount 83

of fending out the charter, Governor Winthrop, at the direc-
tion of the General Court, wrote " to excufe our not fending
of it ; for it was refolved to be befl not to fend it." ^

Archbifhop Laud molefted the colony no further. Doubt-
lefs Morton yet endeavored more than once to ftir him up
to a6lion, and the next year he received from New England
other and bitter complaints of the fame character as thofe
which had come to him before. This time it was the Rev.
George Burdet — a difreputable clergyman, fubfequently a
thorn in Gorges's fide as now in that of Winthrop — who
wrote to him. The haraffed and anxious Primate could,
however, only reply that " by reafon of the much bufmefs
now lay upon them, [the Lords Commiffioners] could not
at prefent . . . redrefs fuch diforders as he had informed
them of."^ Events in England and Scotland were then
moving on rapidly as well as fteadily to their outcome, and
Maffachufetts was bidden to take care of itfelf.

Nothing more is heard of Morton until the fummer of
1643. The Civil War was then dragging along in its earlier
flages, before Fairfax and Cromwell put their hands to it.
It was the fummer during which Prince Rupert took Briftol
and the firfl battle of Newbury was fought, — the fummer
made memorable by the deaths of Hampden and Falkland.
Gorges had identified himfelf with the Royalift fide, and now
Morton feems to have been fairly ftarved out of England.
When or how he came to Plymouth we do not know ; but,
on the nth of September, Edward Winflow, whom he had
eight years before " clapte up in the Fleete," ^ thus wrote to

Winthrop : —

" Concerning

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *269. 2 /^ ^ p^ *298. ^ Bradford, p. 375.

84 Thomas Morton

" Concerning Morton, our Governor gave way that he fhould winter here,
but begone as foon as winter breaks up. Captain Standifh takes great offence
thereat, efpecially that he is fo near him as Duxbury, and goeth fometimes a
fowHng in his ground. He cannot procure the leaft refpe6t amongfl our peo-
ple, Hveth meanly at four (hilhngs per week, and content to drink water, fo
he may diet at that price. But admit he hath a protedion, yet it were worth
the while to deal with him till we fee it. The truth is I much queflion his
pretended employment ; for he hath here only fhowed the frame of a Com-
mon-weale and fome old fealed commiffions, but no infide known. As for
Mr. Rigby if he be fo honeft, good and hopefuU an inflrument as report
paffeth on him, he hath good hap to light on two of the arrantefl known
knaves that ever trod on New Englifh fhore to be his agents eaft and weft,
as Cleaves and Morton : but I fhall be jealous on him till I know him better,
and hope others will take heed how they truft him who invefteth fuch with
power who have devoted themfelves to the ruin of the country, as Morton
hath. And for my part, (who if my heart deceive me not can pafs by all the
evil inftrumentally he brought on me,) would not have this ferpent ftay
amongft us, who out of doubt in time will get ftrength to him if he be fuffered,
who promifeth large portions of land about New Haven, Narraganfett, &c.,
to all that will go with him, but hath a promife but of one perfon who is old,
weak and decrepid, a very atheift and fit companion for him. But, indeed,
Morton is the odium of our people at prefent, and if he be fuffered, (for we
are diverfely minded,) it will be juft with God, who hath put him in our hands
and we will fofter fuch an one, that afterward we fhall fuffer for it." ^

The Rigby referred to in this letter was Mr. Alexander
Rigby, an Englifh gentleman of wealth who, befides being
a flrong Puritan, was a member of the Long Parliament,
and at one time held a commiffion as colonel in the army.
Cleaves was the George Cleaves already mentioned as having
come out in 1637, with a protection under the privy fignet.^
He had then appeared as an agent of Gorges, but fubfe-

quently

1 IV. Mafs. Hijl. Coll, vol. vi. p. 175. ^ Supra, p. ']'].

Of Merry 'Mount 8 5

quently he had got poffeffion in Maine of the " Plough patent,"
fo called, under which the title to a large part of the prov-
ince was claimed adverfely to Gorges.-^ This patent Cleaves
induced Rigby to buy, and the latter was now endeavoring
to get his title recognized, and ultimately fucceeded in fo
doing. Cleaves, as well as Morton, enjoyed the reputation
of being " a firebrand of dilTenfion," ^ and the two had long
a6led together. As Gorges had joined his fortunes to the
Royaliil fide, Morton clearly had nothing to gain by pretend-
ing at Plymouth to be his agent or under his proteftion.
So he feems to have tried to pafs himfelf off as a Common-
wealth's man, commiffioned by Rigby to a6t in his behalf.
Winflow was probably quite right in fufpefting that this was
all a pretence. Rigby's claim was for territory in Maine. It
is not known that he ever had any interefts in Rhode Ifland
or Conne6licut. There can, in fhort, be little doubt that
Morton was now nothing more than a poor, broken-down,
difreputable, old impofhor, with fome empty envelopes and
manufa6lured credentials in his pocket.

At Plymouth, as would naturally be fuppofed, Morton
made no headway. But the province of Maine was then in
an uneafy, troubled condition, and there w^as reported to be
a ftrong party for the king in the neighborhood of Cafco
Bay. Thither accordingly Morton feems to have gone in
June, 1644.^ His movements were clofely watched, and En-
dicott was notified that he would go by fea to Gloucefter,

hoping

^ See Mr. Deane's note on the riofities of LiteratU7'e, vol. iii. p. 488)

" Plough patent," in iv. Mafs. Hiji. gives a fingular anecdote of Rigby.

Coll., vol. vii. pp. 88-96. Alfo the note 2 jy, Mafs. Hif. Coll.. vol. vii. p. 343.

on Cleaves, lb. p. 363. D'Ifraeli {Cu- » ly. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 148.

86 Thomas Morton

hoping to get a paffage from thence to the eaftward. A
warrant for his arreft was at once defpatched, but apparently
he eluded it ; nor if he went there, which, indeed, is doubt-
ful, did Morton long remain in Maine. In Auguft he was
in Rhode Ifland, and on the 5th of that month he is thus
alluded to in a letter from Coddington to Winthrop : —

*' For Morton he was [infmuating] who was for the King at his firft com-
ing to Portfmouth, and would report to fuch as he judged to be of his mind
he was glad [to meet with] fo many cavaliers ; . . . and he had lands to
difpofe of to his followers in each Province, and from Cape Ann to Cape Cod
was one. . . . And that he had wrong in the Bay [to the] value of two hun-
dred pounds, and made bitter complaints thereof. But Morton would let it
reft till the Governor came over to right him; and did intimate he knew
whofe roaft his fpits and jacks turned." ^

Profpering in Rhode Ifland no more than at Plymouth,
Morton is next heard of as a prifoner in Bofton. How he
came within the clutches of the Maffachufetts magiftrates is
not known ; his neceffities or his affurance may have carried
hirh to Bofton, or he may have been pounced upon by Endi-
cott's officers as he was furtively paffmg through the prov-
ince. In whatever way it came about, he was in cuflody on
the 9th of September, jufl five weeks from the time of Cod-
dington's letter to Winthrop, and the latter then made the
following entry in his Journal : ^ —

" At the court of affiflants Thomas Morton was called forth prefently after
the le^lure, that the country might be fatisfied of the juftice of our proceed-
ing againft him. There was laid to his charge his complaint againft us at
the council board, which he denied. Then we produced the copy of the bill
exhibited by Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, etc., wherein we were charged with
treafon, rebellion, etc., wherein he was named as a party or witnefs. He

denied
1 Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 147, n. ^ Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *i89.

Of Merry-Mount 87

denied that he had any hand in the information, only was called as a witnefs.
To convince him to be the principal party, it was fhowed : i. That Gardiner
had no occafion to complain againft us, for he was kindly ufed and difmiffed
in peace, profeffmg much engagement for the great courtefy he found here.
2. Morton had fet forth a book againft us, and had threatened us, and had
profecuted a quo warranto againft us, which he did not deny. 3. His letter
was produced,^ written foon after to Mr. Jeffreys, his old acquaintance and
intimate friend."

This paffage is chara6leriflic both of the man and of the
time. The prifoner now arraigned before the magiftrates
had, fourteen years before, been arrefted, and banifhed ; he
had been fet in the flocks, all his property had been confif-
cated, and his houfe had been burned down before his eyes.
He had been fent back to England, under a warrant, to ftand
his trial for crimes it was alleged he had committed. In
England he had been releafed from imprifonment in due
courfe of law. Having now returned to Maffachufetts, he
was brought before the magiftrates, " that the country might
be fatisfied of the juftice of our proceeding againft him."
As the refult of this proceeding, which broke down for want
of proof, the alleged offender is again imprifoned, heavily
fined, and narrowly efcapes a whipping. Under all thefe'
circumftances, it becomes interefting to inquire what the
exa6l offence alleged againft him was. It was ftated by Win-
throp. He had made a " complaint againft us at the council
board."

" The council board " thus referred to was the royal Privy
Council. It reprefented the king, the fupreme power in
the ftate, the fource from whence the charter of the Maffachu-
fetts

^ Supra, 61-3.

88 Thomas Morton

fetts Bay Company was derived. The complaint, therefore,
charged to have been made, was made to the common fupe-
rior, and it alleged the abufe, by an inferior, of certain powers
and privileges which that fuperior had granted. It would
feem to have been no eafy taik for the magiftrates to point
out, either to the prifoner or to the country it was propofed
to fatisfy, any prefcriptive law, much lefs any penal llatute,
which made a criminal offence out of a petition to the
acknowledged fupreme power in the Hate, even though that
petition fet forth the alleged abufe of charter privileges.

But it is not probable that this view of the matter ever
even fuggefted itfelf to Winthrop and his affociates. It
does not feem even to have been urged upon them by the
prifoner. On the contrary he appears to have accepted the
inevitable, and pra6tically admitted that a complaint to the
king was in Maffachufetts, as Burdet had fome years before
afferted, " accounted a perjury and treafon in our general
courts,"-^ punifhable at the difcretion of the magiftrates.
Morton, therefore, denied having made the complaint, and
the magiftrates were unable to prove it againft him. The
mofl fmgular and unaccountable feature in the proceedings
is that the New Canaan was not put in evidence. Appar-
ently there was no copy of it to be had. Could one have
been produced, it is fcarcely poffible that the avowed author
of the libellous ftridures on Endicott, then himfelf governor,
fhould have efcaped condign punifhment of fome fort from
a bench of Puritan magiftrates. But Winthrop merely men-
tions that he had " fet forth a book againfl us," and Mave-
rick

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *298.

Of Merry- Mount. 89

rick fays that this was denied and could not be proved.^ Had
a copy of the New Canaan then been at hand, either in
Boflon or at Plymouth, a glance at the titlepage would have
proved who " fet [it] forth " beyond poffibility of denial.

The only entry in the Maffachufetts records relating to
this proceeding is as follows : —

" For anfwer to Thomas Morton petition, the magiflrates have called him
publicly, and have laid divers things to his charge, which he denies ; and
therefore they think fit that further evidence be fent for into England, and
that Mr Downing may have inflru6lions to fearch out evidence againft him,
and he to lie in prifon in the mean time, unlefs he find fufficient bail." ^

This entry is from the records of the General Court, held
in November 1644. Among the unpublifhed documents in
the Maffachufetts archives is yet another petition from Mor-
ton, bearing no date, but, from the endorfement upon it, evi-
dently fubmitted to the General Court of May, 1645, fi^
months later, when Dudley was governor. This petition is as
follows : —

To the honored Court at Bojlon ajjemhled:

The humble petition of Thomas Morton, prifoner.

Your petitioner craveth the favour of this honored Court to cafl back
your eies and behould what your poore petitioner hath fuffered in thefe
parts.

Firft, the petitioner's houfe was burnt, and his goodes taken away.

Secondly, his body clapt into Irons, and fent home in a defperat fhip,
unvittled, as if he had been a man worthy of death, which appeared con-
trary when he came there.

Now the petitioner craves this further that you would be pleafed to con-
fider what is laid againft him : (taking it for granted to be true) which is
not proved : whether fuch a poore worme as I had not fome caufe to crawle
out of this condition above mentioned. nr.y- ,1

^ N. Y. Hijl. Sac, Coll.^ 1869, p. 40. 2 Records^ vol. ii. p. 90.

90 Thomas Morton

Thirdly, the petitioner craves this favoure of you, as to view his a6tions
lately towards New England, whether they have not been ferviceable to
fome gentlemen in the country ; but I will not praife my felfe.

Fourthly, the petitioner coming into thefe parts, which he loveth, on
godly gentlemen's imployments, and your worfhipps having a former jelofy
of him, and a late untrue intelligence of him, your petitioner has been im-
prifoned manie Moneths and laid in Irons to the decaying of his Limbs ;
Let your petitioner finde foe much favoure, as to fee that you can paffe by
former offence, which finding the petitioner hopes he fhall ftand on his
watch to doe you fervice as God fhall enable him.

Upon this document, certainly humble enough in tone,
appear the following endorfements : —

The houfe of Deputies defire the honored magiftrates to return them a
reafon, wherefore the petitioner came not to his triall the lafl quarter
Courte according to graunte (as they conceave) of a former petition pre-
fented to the Courte by him.

ROBT. BRIDGES.

The reafon why he came not to his tryall was the not cominge of evi-
dence out of England againft him which we expedt by the next fhip.

THO: DUDLEY Gov^

The houfe of Deputies have made choyce of Major Gibbons, and Captain

Jennifon to treate with the honored magiftrates about this petition of

Morton.

ROBT. BRIDGES.

Singularly enough the Major Gibbons to whom Morton's
petition was thus referred had, in former years, been one of
his followers at Merry- Mount. He was a man of ability
and energy, the whole of whofe fmgular career, as traced in
an interefting note of Palfrey's, will not bear a too clofe
fcrutiny.^ At the time of Morton's arreft by Miles Standifh,

^ Hiji. of New Englatid, vol. ii. p. 225.

Of Merry-Mount 9 1

in 1629, Gibbons was probably one of thofe belonging to the
Merry-Mount company who had then "gone up into the in-
lands to trade with the favages."^ During that fummer he
experienced religion in a quite unexpe6led way, and now, in
1645, while his old mafler was rotting in the Bofton jail, Gib-
bons was a profperous merchant, a deputy to the General
Court, and " chief military officer of the train-band of the
town." Higher military honors and fevere bufmefs viciffi-
tudes were in itore for him. It nowhere appears whether
under thefe circumftances Major Gibbons had either the
will or. the ability to be of fervice to his former chief, and
Winthrop is the only authority for what remains of Morton's
ftory. It is foon told.

" Having been kept in prifon about a year in expe(5lation of further evi-
dence out of England, he was again called before the court, and after fome
debate what to do with him, he was fined loo pounds, and fet at liberty.
He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, and we thought not
fit to infli6l corporal punifhment upon him, being old and crazy, but thought
better to fine him and give him his liberty, as if it had been to procure his
fine; but indeed to leave him opportunity to go out of the jurifdi^lion, as
he did foon after, and he went to Acomenticus, and living there poor and
defpifed, he died within two years after." ^

Morton himfelf afferted that the harfh treatment he
underwent in prifon, while waiting for that evidence from
England which was to convi6l him of fome crime, broke
down his health and haflened his end. If he was indeed,
as Maverick fubfequently ftated,^ kept in jail and, as he
himfelf fays, in irons, through an entire New England

winter,

1 Infra, *i38. s New York Hiji. Soc. Coll., 1869, p. 40.

2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I92.

92 Thomas Morton

winter, on the prifon fare of thofe days, and without either
fire or bedding, this feems wholly probable.

There was about Thomas Morton nothing that was
remarkable. On the contrary he was one of a clafs of men
common enough in the days of Elizabeth and the Stuarts
to have found their way into the literature of the period, as
well as into that more modern romance which undertakes to
deal with it. It is the Alfatian Squire and Wildrake type.
Morton chanced to get out of place. He was a vulgar Roy-
alift libertine, thrown by accident into the midft of a Puritan
community. He was unable or unwilling to accept the
fituation, or to take himfelf off; and hence followed his
misfortunes and his notoriety. Had he in 1625, or even in
1629, gone to Virginia or to New York, he would have lived
in quiet and probably died in poverty, leaving nothing
behind to indicate that he had ever been. As it is, he
will receive a mention in every hiflory of America.

More recently alfo certain invefligators, who have ap-
proached the fubje6l from a Church of England point of
view, have fhown fome difpofition to adopt Morton's caufe
as their own, and to attribute his perfecution, not to his
immoral life or illicit trade, but to his devotion to the Book
of Common Prayer.^ It is another article in the long im-
peachment of the founders of New England, and it has
even been alleged that " it Hill remains for Maffachufetts to
do juflice to Morton, who had his faults, though he was not

the

1 " It is undeniable that Morton be- Book." {Mag. of Amer, Hijl.^ vol. viii.
came an obje<5l of averfion largely for p. 83.)
the reafon that he ufed the Prayer

Of Merry-Mount 93

the man his enemies, and notably Bradford, declared him
to be." ^

The New Englijli Canaan is the beft and only conclufive
evidence on this point. In its pages Morton very clearly
ihows what he was, and the nature of " his faults." He
was a born Bohemian, and as he paffed on in life he became
an extremely recklefs but highly amufmg old debauchee and
tippler. When he was writing his book, Archbifhop Laud
was the head of the board of Lords Commiffioners. On
the a6lion of that board depended all the author's hopes.
In view of this fa6l, there are, in the New Ca^taan, few more
delightful or charade riftic paffages than that in which, de-
fcribing his arrefl by Standifh, Morton announces that it was
" becaufe mine hofl was a man that endeavored to advance
the dignity of the Church of England ; which they, on the
contrary part, would labor to vilify with uncivil terms ; envy-
ing againft the facred Book of Common Prayer, and mine
hoft that ufed it in a laudable manner amongft his family
as a pra6lice of piety." ^

The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this
paffage was one not very congenial to him, and he makes an
awkward piece of work of it. The^ fudden tone of fan6li-
mony which he infufes into the words quoted, hardly covers
up the leer and gufto with which he had juft been defcribing
the drunkennefs and debauchery of Merry-Mount, — how
*' the good liquor " had flowed to all comers, while " the laffes

1 ^h.\i€s Memoirs oftheProteJiant ^ Infra, *I38. See, alfo, *50, 332,
Epifcopal Church, p. xxii. n. See alfo note 2.
Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, pp.
37-9-

94 Thomas Morton

in beaver-coats " had been welcome " night and day ; " how
" he that played Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their
nofes out of joint ; " and how that " barren doe " became fruit-
ful, who is myfterioufly alluded to as a " goodly creature of
incontinency " who had "tried a camp royal in other parts."
Though, from the point of view before alluded to, it has been
afferted that the Maffachufetts magiftrates " invented . . . in-
fmuations refpefting [Morton's] treatment of [the Indian]
women, whom, in reality, he had fought to inflru6l in the
principles of religion," ^ — though this and other fimilar
affertions have been made with apparent gravity, yet it is
impoffible to read the third book of the Nezv Canaan, fatu-
rated as it is with drunkennefs, ribaldry and fcoffing, with-
out coming to the conclufion that Don Quixote, Rabelais
and the Decameron are far more likely to have been in re-
queft at Merry-Mount than the Bible or the Book of Common
Prayer.

Not that the New Canaan is in itfelf an obfcene or even
a coarfe book. On the contrary, judged by the ftandard of
its time, it is fingularly the reverfe. Indeed it is almofl
wholly free from either word or allufion which would offend
the tafte of the prefent day. Yet the writer of the New
Canaan was none the lefs a fcoffer, a man of undevout
mind. As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church
of England and its ritual was the caufe of his arreft by the
Plymouth authorities, the anfwer is obvious and decifive.
Blackftone was an Epifcopalian, and a devout one, retaining
even in his wildernefs home the canonical coat which told of

his

1 Mag. of Amer. Hiji., vol. wm. p. 89.

Of Merry 'Mount 95

his calling.-^ Maverick and Walford were Epifcopalians ;
they lived and died fuch. The fettlers at Weffaguffet were
Epifcopalians. In the dwellings of all thefe the religious
fervices of the times, cuftomary among Epifcopalians, were
doubtlefs obferved, for they were all religious men. Yet not
one of them was ever in any way molefled by the Plymouth
people ; but, on the contrary, they one and all received aid
and encouragement from Plymouth. Epifcopalians as they
were, they all joined in dealing with Morton as a common
enemy and a public danger; and fuch he unquefhionably
was. It was not, then, becaufe he made ufe of the Common
Prayer that he was firfl driven from the Maffachufetts Bay ;
it was becaufe he was a nuifance and a fource of danger.
That fubfequently, and by the Maffachufetts authorities, he
was dealt with in a way at once high-handed and oppreffive,
has been fufificiently fhown in thefe pages. Yet it is by no
means clear that, under fimilar circumitances, he would not
have been far more feverely and fummarily dealt with at a
later period, when the dangers of a frontier life had brought
into ufe an unwTitten code, which evinced even a lefs regard
for life than, in Morton's cafe, the Puritans evinced for
property.^

As a literary performance the New Canaan, it is unnecef-

fary

1 Wonder- Working Providence, "p. 20. any great offence. His fun, his fongs

2 " Such a rake as Morton, fuch an and his revels were provoking enough,
addle-headed fellow as he reprefents no doubt. But his commerce with the
himfelf to be, could not be cordial with Indians in arms and ammunition, and
the firft people from Leyden, or with his inftruftions to thofe favages in the
thofe who came over with the patent, ufe of them, were ferious and danger-
from London or the Weft of England, ous offences, which ftruck at the lives
I can hardly conceive that his being a of the new-comers, and threatened the
Churchman, or reading his prayers from utter extirpation of all the plantations."
a Book of Common Prayer, could be {Notes of John Adams, 1802.)

96 Thomas Morton

fary to fay, has furvived through no merits of its own. While
it is, on the whole, a better written book than the Wonder-
Working Providence, it is not fo well written as Wood's
Profpe^ ; and it cannot compare with what we have from the
pens of Smith or Gorges, — much lefs from thofe of Winf-
low, Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is
amazing how a man who knew as much as Morton knew of
events and places now full of interefl, could have fat down
to write about them at all, and then, after writing fo much,
have told fo little. Rarely Hating anything quite correftly,
— the molt carelefs and flipfhod of authors, — he took a
politive pleafure in concealing what he meant to fay under
a cloud of metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the New
Canaan fell flill-born from the prefs, the only contemporane-
ous trace of it which can be found in Englifh literature
being Butler's often quoted paffage in Hudibras, in which
the Weffaguffet hanging is alluded to.^ It is even open to
queftion whether this reference w^as due to Butler's having
read the book. The paffage referred to is in the fecond
part of Hudibras, which was not publifhed until 1664,
twenty-feven years after the publication of the New Canaan,
It is perfeftly poffible that Butler may have known Morton ;
for in 1637 the future author of Hudibras was already
twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about London
for fix or feven years after that. There are indications that
he knew Ben Jonfon ; ^ and, indeed, it is fcarcely poffible that
with his fenfe of humor and convivial tafles Morton fhould
not often have met the poets and playwrights of the day at

the

1 Infra, 249-52, and note. ^ Infra^ 290, note.

Of Merry- Mount 97

the Mermaid. If he and the author of Hudibras ever did
chance to meet, they mufl; have proved congenial fpirits, for
there is much that is Hudibraflic in the New Canaan, Not
impoffibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New England
hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the
reminifcence of a paffage he had read in fome forgotten
book, but as a vague recolleftion of an amufmg flory which
he had once heard Morton tell.

It is, indeed, the author's fenfe of humor, jult alluded to,
which gives to the New Canaan its only real diltinflion
among the early works relating to New England. In this
refpedl it ftands by itfelf. In all the reft of thofe works, one
often meets with paffages of fimplicity, of pathos and of
great defcriptive power, — never with anything which was
both meant to raife a fmile, and does it. The writers feemed
to have no fenfe of humor, no perception of the ludicrous.
Bradford, for inftance, as a paffage " rather of mirth than
of weight," defcribes how he put a flop to the Chriftmas
games at Plymouth in 162 1. There is a grim folemnity in
his very chuckle. Winthrop gives a long account of the
penance of Captain John Underbill, as he flood upon a ftool
in the church, " without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled
clofe to his eyes," and " blubbering," confeffed his adultery
with the cooper's wife.^ Yet he evidently recorded it with
unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that " two of
our minifters' fons, being Undents in the college, robbed two
dwelling-houfes, in the night, of fome 15 pounds. Being
found out, they were ordered by the governors of the col-
lege

^ Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I4.
13

98 Morton of Merry-Mount

lege to be there whipped, which was performed by the
prefident himfelf — yet they were about twenty years of
age." ^ If Morton had recorded this incident, he could not
have helped feeing a ludicrous fide to it, and he would have
expreffed it in fome humorous, or at leafl in fome grotefque
way. Winthrop faw the ferious fide of everything, and the
ferious fide only. In this he was like all the reft. Such
folemnity, fuch everlafting confcioufnefs of refponfibility to
God and man, is grand and perhaps impreffive; but it
grows wearifome. It is pleafant to have it broken at laft,
even though that which breaks it is in fome repefts not
to be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes bearable.
Among what are called Americana, therefore, the New
Canaan is and will always remain a refrefhing book. It is
a conneding link. Poor as it may be, it is yet all we have
to remind us that in literature, alfo, Bradford and Winthrop
and Cotton were Englifhmen of the time of Shakefpeare and
Jonfon and Butler.

1 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *i66.

It remains only to fpeak of the bibliography of the New
Canaan, which at one time excited fome difcuffion, and of
the prefent edition. Written before the clofe of 1635, the
New Canaan was printed at Amfterdam in 1637. It has
been reprinted but once, — by Force, in the fecond volume of
his American Tra^s. The prefent is, therefore, the fecond
reprint, and the iirft annotated edition. For a number of
years it was fuppofed that copies of the book were in ex-
iflence with an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of
Charles Greene, and the date of 1632.^ This fuppofition
was, however, very carefully examined into by Mr. Winfor
in the Harvard Univerjity Library Bulletins (Nos. 9 and 10,
1878-9, pp. 196, 244), and found to be partially, at leaft,
groundlefs. It was due to the fa6l that Force made his
reprint from a copy of the book in his colleftion, now in the
Library of Congrefs. That copy lacked a portion or the
whole of the titlepage ; and the miffing parts feem to have
been fuppHed, without mention of the fa6t being made, from
the entry of the book under 1632 in White Kennet's Biblio-
theccs Americance Primordia, Apparently the error origi-
nated in the following way. The New Canaan was en-
tered for copyright in the Stationers' Regilters in London,
November 18, 1633, ^^ behalf of Charles Greene, the prin-
ter. There is no reafon to fuppofe that it was then com-
pleted

^ See Deane's note to Bradford, p. 254.

loo Thomas Morton

pleted, as it may have been entered by its title alone. If it
was, however, completed in part in 1633, ^^e internal evi-
dence is conclufive that it was both revifed ^ and added to ^
as late as 1634; and, indeed, the Board of Lords Commif-
fioners for regulating Plantations, to which it is formally
dedicated, was not created until April loth of that year.
Greene did not print the book; though, as will prefently
be feen, a certain number of copies may poffibly have been
ftruck off for him with titlepages of their own. The entry
in the Stationers' Regillers was, however, afterwards dif-
covered, and feems then to have fupplied by inference the
date of publication, which could not be learned from cer-
tain copies, the titlepages to which were defe6live or want-
ing. The dates given in Lowndes's Manual would feem to
be fimply incorre6l.^ Meanwhile, for reafons probably of
economy, though notice of publication had been given in
London, the book was aftually printed in Holland, and the
regular titlepage reads : " Printed at Amfterdam by Jacob
Frederick Stam, in the year 1637." There are copies, how-
ever, the titlepages of which read : " Printed for Charles
Greene, and are fold in Pauls Churchyard," no date being
given.* It is not known that thefe copies differ in any other
refpe6l from thofe bearing the ufual imprint. The conclu-
fion, therefore, would feem to be that, as already ftated, a
number of copies may have been ftruck off for Greene
with a diilin6l titlepage. Properly fpeaking, however, there

feems

1 Harvard Univ. Library Bulletin, ^ Mr. DeCofta fays that the title-
No. 10, p. 244. page of the copy in the "Library of the

2 Supra, pp. 78-9. Society for the Propagation of the
8 Mag. of Amer. Hijl., vol. viii. p. Gofpel reads in this way. Mag. of

94, n. Amer. Hifl.^ vol. viii. p. 94, n. 4.

Of Merry-Mount i o i

feems to have been but one edition of the book. With the
exception of the Force titlepage, which has been fhown
to be erroneous, there is no evidence of any copy being
in exiflence bearing an earher date than the ufual one of
Amfterdam, 1637.

Copies of the New Canaan are extremely rare. Savage,
in his notes to Winthrop (vol. i. p. *34), faid that he had
then, before 1825, never heard of but one copy, "which was
owned by his Excellency John Q. Adams." It is from that
copy that the prefent edition is printed. Mr. Adams pur-
chafed it while in Europe prior to the year 1801. It was
that copy alfo which was temporarily depofited in the Bofton
Athenaeum in 1810, as mentioned in the Monthly Anthology
of that date (vol. viii. p. 420), referred to in the Harvard
Univerjity Library Bulletin, (No. 9, p. 196). The Rev.
George Whitney, in his Hijlory of Quincy written in 1826,
fays (p. 11) that another " copy was lately prefented to the
Adams Library of the town of Quincy by the Rev. Thaddeus
Mafon Harris." ^ In addition to thefe, fome dozen or twenty
other copies in all are known to exifl in various public and
private colleffions in America and Europe, feveral of which
are enumerated in the Library Bulletin juft referred to.

Very many of the errors both in typography and pun6lua-
tion, with which the New Canaan abounds, are obvioully due
to the fa6l that it was printed in Amflerdam. The original
manufcript it would feem was no more legible than the manu-

fcript

1 This copy was in the Adams Li- other volumes and almolt innumerable

brary for many years, and until within a autographs, which formerly lent a pecu-

quite recent period. It cannot, however, liar value to the John Adams Colle6lion,

now (1882) be found. It would appear to given by him in 1822 to the town of

have been ftolen, together with many Quincy.

I02 Thomas Morton

fcript of that period, as it has come down to us, is ufually
found to be. At beft it was not eafy to decipher. The
copy of the New Canaan was then put in the hands of a
compofitor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with Englifh;
and, if the proof-fheets were ever correfted by any one, they
certainly were not corre6ted by the author or by a proof-
reader really familiar with his writing, or even with the
tongue in which he wrote. Accordingly pen flourifhes were
miflaken for punftuation marks, and thefe were inferted
without any regard to the context ; familiar words appeared
in unintelligible ihapes ;^ fmall letters were miflaken for cap-
itals, and capitals for fmall letters, and one letter was con-
founded with another. In addition to thefe numerous mif-
takes in deciphering and following the manufcript, ordinary
typographical errors are not uncommon ; though in this
refpeft the New Canaan is lefs marked by blemifhes than
under the circumflances would naturally be fuppofed.

Neither is this explanation of the curioufly bad prefs-
work of the New- Canaan a mere conje6lure. One other
compofition of Morton's has come down to us in the letter
to Jeffreys, preferved by Winthrop.^ Let any one compare
this letter with a chapter from the New Canaan, and he will
fee at once that, while both are manifeftly produ6lions from
the fame pen, they have been preferved under wholly differ-
ent circumflances. Take, for inflance, the following identi-
cal paffages, — the one from the New Canaan and the other
from the letter to Jeffreys, and they will fufliciently illuflrate

this point.

NEW

^ " Mint and cumin " uniformly appears as " muit and cummin ; " humming-
bird" as " hunning-bird." "^ Ante, '^^. 61--^.

Of Merry-Mount 103

NEW CANAAN. LETTER TO JEFFREYS.

Book hi. Chapter 31. Savage'sWinthrop, vol. 11. p.^iQo.

And now mine Hofl being merrily So that now Jonas being fet afhore

difpofed, haveing paft many perillous may fafely cry, repent you cruel fep-

adventures in that defperat Whales aratifhs, repent, there are as yet but

belly, beganne in a poffcure like lonas, forty days. If Jove vouchfafe to

and cryed Repent you cruell Seperat- thunder, the charter and kingdom of

ifls repent, there are as yet but 40. the feparatifts will fall afunder. Re-

dayes if love vouchfafe to thunder, pent you cruel fchifmatics, repent.
Charter and the Kingdome of the
Seperatifts will fall a funder : Repent
you cruell Schifmaticks repent.

The letter to Jeffreys is curioufly charafteriftic of Morton.
It is written in the fame inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic
llyle as the New Canaan. It is, however, perfe6tly intelligi-
ble and even energetic. The reafon is obvious. It was cor-
rectly copied by a man who underflood what the writer was
faying. Accordingly it is as clear as Winthrop's own text.
The New Canaan would have been equally clear had it been
deciphered at the compofitor's form by a man with Win-
throp's familiarity with Englifh.

There is fome reafon to think that the fancy for exafl
reproduction in typography has of late years been carried to
an extreme. Not only have peculiarities of fpelling, capital-
ization and type, which were really charafteriftic of the paft,
been carefully followed, but abbreviations and figures have
been reproduced in type, which formerly were confined to
manufcripts, and are certainly never found in the better
printed books of the fame period. It is certainly defirable in

reprinting

I04 Thomas Morton

reprinting quaint works, which it is not fuppofed will ever
pafs into the hands of general readers, to have them appear
in the drefs of the time to which they belong. Indeed they
cannot be modernized in fpelling, the ufe of capitals, or
even, altogether, in pun6luation, without lofmg fomething
of their flavor. Yet, this notwithftanding, there is no good
reafon why grofs and manifeft blunders, due to the igno-
rance of compofitors and the careleffnefs of proof-readers,
fhould be jealoufly perpetuated as if they were facred things.
This alTuredly is carrying the fpirit of faithful reprodudion
to fanaticifm. It is Chinefe.

The rule followed, therefore, in the prefent edition has
been to reproduce the New Canaan as it appeared in the
Amfterdam edition of 1637, corre6ling only the pun6luation,
and fuch errors of the prefs as are manifeft and unmiftaka-
ble. Very few changes have been made in the ufe of capi-
tals, and thofe only where it is obvious that a letter of one
kind in the copy was miftaken by the compofitor for a letter
of another kind. An example of this is found at the top of
page ^14, where " Captaine Davis' fate," in the author's
manufcript, is made to appear as " Captain Davis Fate," in
the original text. The compofitor evidently miftook the
fmall f, written with the old-fafliioned flourifh, for an initial
capital. The fpelling has in no cafe been changed except
where the error, as in the cafe already cited of " muit " for
" mint," is manifeftly due to printers' blunders. Miftakes of
the prefs, fuch as " legg " for " logg " (p. '^']^) and " vies " for
" eies " (p. "^152), have been made right wherever they could
be certainly detefted.

No conje6lural readings whatever have been inferted in

the

Of Merry- Mount i o 5

the text. The few paffages, not more than four or five in
number, in which, owing probably to the failure of the com-
pofitor to decipher manufcript, the meaning of the original
is not clear, are reproduced exaftly. No liberties whatever
have been taken with the original edition in thefe cafes, and
all gueffes which are indulged in as to the author's mean-
ing, whether by the editor or others, are confined to the
notes. In a few places the text is obvioufly deficient.
Words neceffary to the meaning are omitted in printing.
Wherever thefe have been conje6turally inferted, the inferted
words are in brackets. In a very few cafes, words, which
could clearly have found their way into the original only
through inadvertence, have been omitted. Attention is
called in the notes to every fuch omiffion.

The effort in the prefent edition has, in fhort, been to
make it a reproduction of the New Canaan ; but the repro-
dudlion was to be an intelligent, and not a fervile one.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN

NEW CAN A AN.

Containing an Abftra6t of New Englan d,

Compofedin three Bookes,

The firfl Booke fetting forth the originall of the Natives, their

Manners and Cuftomes, together with their tra£lable Nature and

Love towards the Englifh.

The fecond Booke fetting forth thenaturall Indowments of the

Country , and what ftaple Commodities it
yealdeth.

The third Booke fetting forth , what people are planted there,

their profperity , what remarkable accidents have happened fince the firft

planting of it, together with their Tenents and pra6life

of their Church.

Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords Innegent, upon tenne

yeares knowledge and experiment of the

Country,

Printed at AMSTERDAM,
By JACOB FREDERICK S T A M.
In the Teare 1637.

To the right honorable, the Lords and

others of his Majefties moft honorable privy Coun-

cell, Commiffioners, for the Government of all his

Majefties forraigne Provinces.-^

Right honorable^

He zeale which I beare to the advauncement of
the glory of God^ the honor of his Majefty, and
the good of the weale publike hath incouraged
mee to compofe this abftraft, being the modell
of a Rich, hopefull and very beautifull Country
worthy the Title of Natures Mafterpeece, and may be loft
by too much fufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet
^all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring ^4
from thence, where I have indevoured my beft, bound
by my allegeance, to doe his Majefty fervice. This in all hu-
mility I prefent as an offering, wherewith I proftrate my felfe
at your honorable footftoole. If you pleafe to vouchfafe it
may receave a bleffmg from the Lufter of your gracious
Beames, you fhall make your vaffaile happy, in that hee yet
doth live to fliew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to
facrifice his deareft blood, as becometh a loyall fubjed, for
the honor of his native Country. Being

your honors humble vaffaile

Thomas Morton.

1 In regard to the Board of Lords bard (pp. 264-8) and in Bradford (pp.

Commiffioners of 1634, fee supra, 57- 456-8), together with notes by Harris

60. The royal letter patent in the orig- in his edition of the former, and by

inal Latin is in Hazard, vol. i., pp. 344- Deane in the latter.
7. There are tranflations of it in Hub-

109

The Epiftle to the Reader.

GENTLE READER,

Prefent to the pubHke view an abftraft of New
England, which I have undertaken to compofe
by the incouragment of fuch genious fpirits as
have been ftudious of the inlargment of his
Majefties Territories ; being not formerly fatit
fied by the relations of fuch as, through hafte, have taken
but a fuperficiall furvey thereof : which thing time hath ena-
bled mee to performe more pun6lually to the life, and to
give a more exaft accompt of what hath been required. I
have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to com-
municat the knowledge which I have gained and collected
together, by mine owne obfervation in the time of my many
yeares refidence in thofe parts, to my loving Country men :
For the better information of all fuch as are deiirous to be
made partakers of the bleffmgs of God in that fertile
* 8 Soyle, as well as thofe * that, out of Curiofity onely, have
bin inquifitive after nouelties. And the rather for that I
have obferved how divers perfons (not fo well affefted to the
weale publike in mine opinion), out of refpeft to their owne
private ends, have laboured to keepe both the praflife of the
people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country
concealed from publike knowledge; both which I have
abundantly in this difcourfe layd open : yet if it be well
accepted, I fhall efteeme my felfe fufBciently rewardded for
my undertaking, and reft,

Your Wellwifher.

Thomas Morton.
no

In laudem Authoris.

Excufe the Author ere the worke be fhewne

Is accufation in it felfe alone ;

And to commend him might feeme overfight ;

So divers are th' opinions of this age,

So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne flage,
That hard his tafke is that mufl pleafe in all :
Example have wee from great Casfars fall.
But is the fonne to be dillik'd and blam'd,
Becaufe the mole is of his face alham'd ?
The fault is in the beaft, not in the fonne ;
Give iicke mouthes fweete meates, fy ! they relifh none.
But to the found in cenfure, he commends
His love unto his Country ; his true ends,
To modell out a Land of fo much worth
As untill now noe traveller fetteth ^ forth ;
Faire Canaans fecond felfe, fecond to none,
Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne.
Then here furvay what nature hath in ftore.
And graunt him love for this. He craves no more.

R. O. Gen.

1 [feth.] Wherever in this edition an corre6led, the mifprinted word, as it
apparently obvious mifprint in the text appears in the original, is printed be-
of 1637 has been, as in the prefent cafe, tween brackets as a foot-note.

Ill

Sir Chriftoffer Gardiner, Knight.^

In laudem Authoris.

His worke a matchles mirror is, thatjhewes
The Humors of the feperatijie, and thofe
So truely perfonated by thy pen,
I was amazd to feet ; herein all men
May plainely fee^ as in an inter -lude^
Each actor figure ; and the fccene well view'd
In Comic k^ Tragick, and in a pafiorallfirife^
For tyth of mint ^ and Cummin, fhewes their life
Nothing but oppofition gainfi the right
Of f acred Majeflie : men full of fpight,
Goodnes abufeing, turning vertue out
Of Dores, to whipping, flocking, and full bent
To plotting mifcheife gainfi the innocent.
Burning their houfes, as if ordained by fate,
Infpight of Lawe, to be made ruinate.
This tafke is well perform' d, and patience be
Thy prefent comfort, and thy conflancy
Thine honor ; and this glaffe, where it fhall come.
Shall fing thy praifes till the day of doome.

Sir C. G.

1 In regard to Sir Chriftopher Gardi- ^ IJiife.']
ner, fee infra, *i82-4 and note. * \muit.']

2 \_Connick.'\ Sttfupra, iii, note i.

112

In laudem Authoris.

Vt that I rather pitty, I confeffe,
The pra^ife of their Churchy I could exprejfe
Myfelfe a Satyriji, whofe fmarting fanges
Should Jlrike it with a palfy, and the panges
Beget a feare to tempt the Majejiy
Of thofe, or mortall Gods, Will they defie
The Thundring Jove ? Like children they defire^
Such is their zeale, to f port themf elves with fire :
So have I feene an angry Fly prefume
Tofirike a burning taper ^ and confume
His feeble wings. Why, in an airefo milde.
Are they fo monfirous growne up, andfo vilde.
That Salvages can of themf elves efpy
Their errors, brand their names with infamy ?
What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirfi ?
Will they be over head and eares a curfi 1
A cruell way to found a Church on! noe,
T'is not their zeale but fury blinds them foe.
And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne.
And offer up the facrifice of Kain,
yonas, thou hafi done well to call thefe men
Home to repentance, with thy painefull pen.

F. C. Armiger.

113

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,

NEW CANAAN.

The Authors Prologue,

F art and induftry fhould doe as much
As Nature hath for Canaan, not fuch
Another place, for benefit and reft,

In all the univerfe can be poffeft.

The more we proove it by difcovery,
The more delight each obje6l to the eye
Procures ; as if the elements had here
Bin reconcil'd, and pleaf'd it fhould appeare
Like a faire virgin, longing to be fped
And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed,
Deck'd in rich ornaments t' advaunce her ftate
And excellence, being moft fortunate
When moft enjoy'd : fo would our Canaan be
If w^ell imploy'd by art and induftry ;
Whofe offspring now, fhewes that her fruitfull wombe.
Not being enjoy'd, is like a glorious tombe.
Admired things producing which there dye.
And ly faft bound in darck obfcurity :
The worth of which, in each particuler,
Who lift to know, this abftraft will declare.

NEW

114

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,

NEW CANAAN.

The firjl Booke,

Containing the originall of the Natives, their
manners & Cuftomes, with their tradable
nature and love towards the Englifh.

Chap. I .

Prooving New England the principall part of all America,
and mojl commodious and fitt for habitation.

He wife Creator of the univerfall Globe
hath placed a golden meane betwixt two ex-
treames ; I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt
the bote and cold; and every Creature, that
participates of Heavens bleffmgs with in
the Compaffe of that golden meane, is made mofl * apt ^12
and fit for man to ufe, who likewife by that wifedome is
ordained to be the Lord of all. This globe may be his glaffe,
to teach him how to ufe moderation and difcretion, both in

his

1 1 6 New Englifh Canaan.

his aftions and intentions. The wife man fayes, give mee

neither riches nor poverty ; why ? Riches might make him

proud hke Nebuchadnezar, and poverty defpaire hke lobs

wife ; but a meane betweene both. So it is Hkewife in the

v/eofvegeta- ufe of Vcgetativcs, that which hath too much Heate or too

much Colde, is faid to be venenum : fo in the ufe of fenfi-

tives, all thofe Animals, of what genus or fpecies foever they

be, if they participate of heate or cold in the fuperlative are

faid to be Inimica natures, as in fome Fifhes about the lile

of Sail, and thofe Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes ;

their participatinge of heate and cold, in the fuperlative, is

Fi/h poyfonous made moft manifeft, one of which poyfoned a whole Ships

%^saii. ^ company that eate of it.-^ And fo it is in Vipers, Toades, and

Snakes, that have heate or cold in the fuperlative degree.

Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold
in a meane, are bell and holfomefl : And fo it is in the choyfe
of love, the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is beft,
and it is therefore called Zona temperata, and is in the
Zona tempera- goldcn mcauc ; and all thofe landes lying under that Zone,
^meine. ^^^^^^ ^^^^ rcquifitc and fitt for habitation. In Cofmography, the
two extreames are called, the one Torrida Zona, lying be-
tweene

1 The Ifle of Sail appears on the map fifhes of the waters about the illand of

in the Geography of Peter Heylyn, Lon- Cuba. The difeafe produced by eating

don, 1674, 3,s one of the Cape Verde poifonous fifh is called ^z^2/<a:/^r<^, and the

Iflands. It is called in the text Infula fifh itfelf is faid to be ciguato. All that

Salis, and on other old maps Ifle of Sal, is definitely known about the matter

or Ilha do Sal. There are fome ten ifi- feems to be that quite a large number

ands in the group. ProfelTor J. D. Whit- of fpecies of fifh in that region are be-

ney writes that feveral iflands are known lieved to be liable to fome difeafe, the

by the name of Sail, and that the one re- nature and courfe of which is unknown ;

ferred to by Morton is probably that off and that thofe who eat the fifh thus dif-

the north fhore of Cuba. " A good deal eafed are themfelves liable to be at-

has been written about the poifonous tacked by the malady called ciguatera^

New Englifh Canaan. 1 1 7

tweene the Tropickes, the other Frigida Zona^ tyi^^g neare
the poles : all the landes lying under either of thefe
Zones, by reafon they doe participate too ^rnuch of ^13
heate or cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompa-
nied with many evils. And allthongh I am not of opinion
with Ariftotle,-^ that the landes under Torrida Zona are
alltogether uninhabited, I my felfe having beene fo neare
the equino6liall line that I have had the Sunn for my Zenith
and feene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that
it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fifh
and Flefh both will taint in thofe partes, notwithftanding
the ufe of Salt which cannot be wanting there, ordained by sait ahojind-
natures hande-worke ; And that is a great hinderance to the 'rropickT. ^^'^
fettinge forth and fupply of navigation, the very Sinewes of
a florifhing Commonwealth. Then barrenneffe, caufed
through want of raines, for in mofl of thofe partes of the
world it is feldome accuflomed to raine untill the time of the
Tornathees (as the Portingals^ phrafe is, who lived there) and
then it will raine about 40. dayes together, which moiflure Raim 40.
ferveth to fru6lify the earth for all the yeare after, duringe 'l^^^'lZltne
which time is feene no raine at all : the heate and cold, and ^^^^^^""''"^^^'^
length of day and night, being much alike, with little differ-
ence. And thefe raines are caufed by the turning of the
windes, which elfe betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade,

that

1 Morton here apparently refers at to as having been vifited by him, were
fecond hand to Ariftotle's refume oi the in the neighborhood of the Weftern and
ancient beHef of five zones, two only of Cape Verde Iflands. In his time the
which were habitable. Meteor ologica^ word tornado had probably not been
B. II. ch, V. § II. adopted into the Enghlli language, and

2 From this paflage it would appear in writing it Morton gives to the letter
that the Ifle of Sail and the tropical wa- d the pecuhar Weftern Ifland or Portu-
ters, which Morton in this chapter refers guefe pronunciation.

1 1 8 New Englifk Canaan.

that is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer
it is conftantly North-Eaft, and next the Tropicke of Capri-
corne it is Southweft ; fo that the windes comming from the
Poles, do keepe the aire in thofe partes coole, and make it
temperate and the partes habitable, were it not for thofe and

other inconveniences.

*i4 "^ This Torrida Zona is good for Grafhoppers : and

Zona Temperata for the Ant and Bee. But Frigida

Zona [is] good for neither, as by lamentable experience of

Capt Davis Captainc Davis fate is manifeft, who in his inqueft of the

froze to eat . ]sjQj.|-]^^gfj- paffage for the Eafl India trade was frozen to

death .^ And therefore, for Frigida Zona, I agree with Arif

totle that it is unfit for habitation : ^ and I know by the

GroeneLand Courfc of the cselcftiall globc that in Groeneland, many De-

/a^zJ^'^;/. grees fliort of the Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by
reafon of the Sunns abfence almoft fix monethes, and the
land under the continuall power of the f rofl ; which thinge
many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull experi-
ence of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the hiftory.
I thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an

India mine.

And

' Morton here confounds Davis with "fate," probably, which Morton had in

Hudfon. Davis's three voyages were mind. No other noted difcoverer of the

made in 1585-6-7, and it was in the firft North weft Paffage was loft prior to 1634.

of them that he difcovered the ftraits The difcovery of that paffage, however,

which bear his name. He afterwards then excited as a6tive an intereft as it

made five voyages' to the Eaft Indies, in has fince, or does now. In 1632 Ed-

the laft of which he was killed in a fight ward Howes fent out to Governor Win-

with fome Japanefe on the coaft of Ma- throp a printed " Treatife of the North-

lacca. Hudfon made four voyages be- Weft Paffage " (iv. Mafs. Hijt. Coll.,

tween 1607 and 1610, during the laft of vol. vi. p. 480) which is ftill in the library

which he paffed a winter, frozen in, near of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society,

the entrance to Hudfon Bay. His crew ^ xhe phrafe in the Meteorologica {ubi

mutinied, and turned him adrift in an >r/r^, 117, ^z^/^ i.) is, " the parts under

open boat, on the 22d of July, 1610. He the Bear {i.e., north) by cold are unin-

was never heard of again ; and it is his habitable."

New Englifh Canaan, 1 1 9

And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke,
fo it is likewife to be found under the Antarticke Pole ; yet
what hazard will not an indultrious minde and couragious
fpirit undergoe, according to that of the Poet : Impiger extre-
mos currit Mercator ad Indos per mare pauperiem fugiens^
perfaxa, per ignes} And all to gett and hord up like the
Ant and the Bee ; and yet, as Salomon faith,^ he cannot tell
whether a foole or a wife man fhall enjoy it. Therefore let
us leave thefe two extreames, with their inconveniences, and
indeavour to finde out this golden meane, fo free from any
one of them. Behold the fecret wifedome of allmighty
God, and love unto our Salomon, to raife a man of a lardge
hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or
Loadftarre, that doth point out * unto the Englifh "^ 1 5
Nation with eafe and comfort how to finde it out.
And this the noble minded Gentleman, Sir Ferdinando sir Ferdman-
Gorges,^ Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the honor of ^iginau\aufe

, r • . , X , New England.

^ Impiger extremes curris mercator ad Indos,

Per mare pauperiem fugiens, per faxa, per ignes.

Horace, Epijl. 1. 11. 45-6.

2 " 18. Yea, I hated all my labor which itary and naval life, and in 1591 ferved
I had taken under the fun : becaufe I under Effex at the fiege of Rouen. Sub-
fhould leave it unto the man that ihall fequently he is faid to have been wound-
be after me. ed, either at Amiens, or during the fiege

" 19. And who knoweth whether he of Paris by Henry IV. In confequence

fliall be a wife man or a fool ? " of his fervices he was appointed by

Eccle/io/les^ ch. ii. vers. 18, 19. Queen Elizabeth royal governor of Ply-
mouth, and in 1597 was defignated as

3 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of Afhton one of the ftaff of Effex in the Ferrol
Phillips in Somerfet, has already been expedition, with the title of Sergeant-
frequently referred to in the introdu6to- Major. In 1601 he was concerned in
ry portions of this volume. Of an old Effex's infurredion, and was one of the
Weft Country family and pure Englifh principal witneffes againft the Earl at
defcent, he was born about the year his trial. After a confiderable period of
1560 {lY. Ma/s. Hiji. Coll., vol. vii. p. imprifonment he was releafed, and, on
329). He early devoted himfelf to a mil- the acceffion of James I., was reappointed

governor

I20 New Englifh Canaan.

his Majefty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done
a great worke for the good of his Country.

And herein this, the wondrous wifedome and love of God,

The Salvages is fhewne, by fending to the place his Minifter, to fweepe

"pifguf ^^'^ away by heapes the Salvages ; and alfo giving him length

of dayes to fee the fame performed after his enterprife was

begunne, for the propagation of the Church of Chrifl.

This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane
to be fcituated about the middle of thofe two extreames,
and for direflions you may proove it thus : Counting the
fpace betweene the Line and either of the Poles, in true
proportion, you fhall finde it to be 90. Degrees : then mufl
we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90, and
that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Soth-
erne fide of that Center, properly for the benefit of heate,
remembringe that Sol & Homo general hominem ; and then
keepe us on that fame fide, and fee what Land is to be found

there,

governor of Plymouth. In 1605 he be- the royal fide, and was made a prifoner
came interefted in American difcovery when Fairfax captured Brillol in Au-
and colonization, and in 1607 he was one guft 1645. He died probably about the
of the projeftors of the Popham colony loth of May 1647, as he was buried on
in Maine. During the next thirteen the 14th of that month,
years he was engaged in fifhing and In regard to Gorges, fee Belknap's
trading ventures to New England, and Atnerican Biography j Folfom's Cata-
indefatigable in collecting information logue of Original Documents in the
as to America. (Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79.) Englijh Archives relating to the Early
In 1620 he procured from James I. the Hijtory of the State of Maine j William-
great patent of the Council for New fon's Maine; Palfrey's New England
England. In 1623 he fent out the Rob- (vol.i.) ; Poole's Introdu6lion to John-
ert Gorges expedition which fettled fon's Wonder Working Providence ;
itfelf at Weffaguffet. {Supra, 2-4.) Devereux's Earls of Effex (vol. i.) ;
His fubfequent connexion with Morton, and the Briefe Narration (iii. Mafs.
and his intrigues againft the Maffachu- Hift. Coll., vol. vi. p. 44), and Gorges's
fetts colony and charter, have been fuf- own letters, to Winthrop and others, in
ficiently referred to in this volume, the Winthrop Papers, (iv. Mafs. Hifl.
During the Civil War Gorges efpoufed Coll., vol. vii.)

New Engli/h Canaan. 121

there, and we fliall eafily difcerne that new England is on
the South fide of that Center.

For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees New Engi. is
of Northerne latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the fame goidm mea?ie'

latitude, and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently,
but is oppreffed with neither : and therefore may be truly
fayd to be within the compaffe of that golden meane,
moft apt and fit "^for habitation and generation, being * 16
placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under
that Zone called Zona temperata ; and is therefore moft fitt
for the generation and habitation of our Englifh nation, of
all other, who are more neere neighbours to the Northerne
Pole, whofe Land lyeth betweene 50. and 54. Degrees of the
felfefame latitude : now this new England, though it be
nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees a^^w ^«^/a;/./
of latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate ^neerer tfuUne
or cold, by reafon of the cit nation of it ; for as the Coaft '^^^/^ ^''^'
lyeth, being circularly Northeaft and Southweft, oppofite
towards the Sunnes rifinge, which makes his courfe over the
Ocean, it can have litle or no reflefting heat of the Sun-
beames, by reafon of the continuall motion of the waters
makinge the aire there the cooler and the conftanter ; fo
that for the temperature of the Climent, fweetneffe of the
aire, fertility of the Soile, and finall number of the Salvages
(which might feeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate
minde,) this Country of new England is by all judicious
men accounted the principall part of all America for habita-
tion and the commodioufneffe of the Sea, Ships there not
being subje6l to wormes as in Virginea and other places,
and not to be paraleld in all Chriftendome. The Maffachuf-

fets,

land.

122 New Englifh Canaan,

The Majfa- fets, being the middell part thereof, is a very beautifull
mldddofi^ew Land, not mountany nor inclininge to mountany, lyeth in
England. ^^^ Degrees, and 30. minutes, and hath as yet^ the great-
efl number of inhabitants; and hath a very large bay to
it divided by Iflands into 4 great bayes,^ where Ihip-
The windes * 1 7 piuge may faf ely ride, * all windes and weathers, the
InNei^Engt wiudes in thofe partes being not fo violent as in England

by many Degrees : for there are no fhrubbs feene to leane
from the windes, as by the Sea Coafl of England I have feene
them leane, and the groundage is a fandy fleech,^ free from
rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage : the reft
of the Planters are difperft among the Coafts betweene 41.
and 44. Degrees of Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very
little way into the inland.* The riches of which Country I
have fet forth in this abftra6l as in a Landfkipp, for the
better information of the Travellers ; which hee .may perufe
and plainely perceave by the demonftration of it, that it is
nothing inferior to Canaan of Ifrael, but a kind of paralell

to it in all points.

Chapter IL

1 That is, in 1634. St^fupra, 78. Nut and Pettuck's iflands and Hull,

2 Thefe are the Inner Harbor (Bof- among which is Hingham Bay.

ton), fo called, and Dorcheller, Quincy, ^ « sieetch,^. The thick mud orflufli

and Weymouth bays. The latter in- lying at the bottom of rivers." Webjier.

eludes all the inlets fouth and weft of ^ [iland.] ^t^fupra, iii, note i.

New Englifk Canaan. 123

Chap. II.
Of the originall of the Natives,

IN the yeare fince the incarnation of Chrifl, 1622, it was
my chance to be landed in the parts of New England,^
w^here I found two fortes of people, the one Chrillians, the
other Infidels; thefe I found moft full of humanity, and
more friendly then the other : as fhall hereafter be made
apparant in Dew-Courfe by their feverall actions from time
to time, whilefl I lived among them. After my arrivall
in thofe partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes
that I could to find out from what people, or nation,
the Natives of ^ New England might be conjeftured * 18
originlly to proceede ; and by continuance and con-
verfation amongft them, I attaned to fo much of their lan-
guage, as by all probable conje6lure may make the fame man-
ifeft : for it hath been found by divers, and thofe of good
judgement, that the Natives of this Country doe ufe very
many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, to the fame fignifi- The Natives
cation that the Latins and Greekes have done ; as en animia^ language.
when an Indian expreffeth that hee doth anything with a

good

1 Supra^ 6-J. niflied the following notes : " En aiii-

2 In the letter already quoted from mia — Wjma7ttcma7i, 2i?, Eliot wrote it,
{Supra, 14), Mr. J. H. Trumbull re- fignifies 'he is well difpofed, or well
marked that " Morton, as he fhows in minded toward another,' or ' is pleafed
chap. ii. of book i., could not write with ' him. There is another word,
the moll fimple Indian word without a nearly related, which Morton may have
blunder." As refpefts the words which had in mind, meaning ' to help,' ' do a
Morton believed to be Indian-Greek, favor to,' — ajim7i7neh, '■h.&l^ me ' (Eliot),
Mr. Trumbull has further kindly fur- anunime (R. Williams)."

124 New Englifh Canaan.

Pafco Pan good wlll ; and Pafcopan ^ fignifieth gredy gut, this being the
name of an Indian that was fo called of a Child, through
the greedineffe of his minde and much eating, for Pafco in
Latine fignifieth to feede, and Pan in Greeke fignifieth all ;
and Pafco nantum^ quafe pafco nondum, halfe ftarved, or not

Mona an jji- eating, as yet ; Equa coge^ fet it upright ; Mona^ is an Ifland
in their language, quaf Monon, that is alone, for an Ifland
is a peece or plott of ground ftanding alone, and devided
from the mane Land by force of water.

Cos a Whet- Cos^ is a Whctftone with them. Hame^ an inftrument to
take fifli. Many places doe retaine the name of Pan, as
Pantneket ^ and Malta panf fo that it may be thought that

Pan the shep- thcfc pcoplc heretofore have had the name of Pan in great
reverence and eflimation, and it may bee have worfliipped
Pan the great God of the Heathens : Howfoever they doe
ufe no manner of worfhip at all now : and it is mofl likely
that the Natives of this Country are defcended from peo-
ple bred upon that part of the world which is towardes

the

1 '' Pa/kanontam (Eliot), ' he fulfers ufed for boring wampum, beads, &c. ;
from hunger,' ' is ftarving.' In Eliot's cau-ompjk (R. Wilh'ams) was ' a whet-
orthography, pa/Izuppoo would fignify ftone,' /. e., a fharpening ftone."
'he eats hungrily,' or * as if ftarving,' ^ u ^;;^ {auin, EHot), is a fifh-hook ;
and from this comes the verbal Pajkup- aumaii-i, ' he is filhing ' (with hook and
wen or Pajkuppoo-en ' a ftarving eater' line,) R. Williams ; whence omaen,

> J)

Morton's ' greedy gut.' " (Ehot) ' a fifherman.'

2 " Eliot's paJkanontai7t, as above, '^ ''Yxoh^^Ay m\{^xm\.t^ior Pantucket
which is well enough tranflated by — the equivalent of Pauiucket, mean-
' halfe ftarved.'" ing 'at the fall ' of the river. (The «

3 " I can make nothing of thefe words, was not diftindly founded, but repre-
They certainly do 7tol mean ' fet it up- fents the nafalization of the preceding
right.' " vowel.)"

4 " An ifland is munnoh (Eliot)." ^ '' Mattapan means a ' fitting down '
fi "Here Morton miftook the word, —or '2. Jetting down ' — and ufually

Cos is, probably, Koiis (Eliot), ' ftiarp- defignates the end of a ' carry ' or port-
pointed,' or, from the fame root, mukqs^ age, where the canoes were put in water
(Eliot), 7nucks (R. W^illiams), ' an awl,' again."

New Englifh Canaan. 125

^ the Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe ftill retaine the * 19
memory of fome of the Starres one that part of the
Caelefliall Globe, as the North-ftarre, which with them is
called Mafke,^ for Mafke in their Language lignifieth a
Beare : and they doe divide the windes into eight partes,
and it feemes originally have had fome litterature amongfl
them, which time hath Cancelled and worne out of ufe.

And whereas it hath beene the opinion of fome men,
which fliall be nameles, that the Natives of New-England
may proceede from the race of the Tartars, and come from
Tartaria into thofe partes,^ over the frozen Sea, I fee no mt to proceede
probality for any fuch Conje6lure ; for as much as a people {Z^
once fetled muft be remooved by compulfion, or elfe tempted
thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations
of the place unto which they fhould be drawne to remoove :
and if it may be thought that thefe people came over the
frozen Sea, then would it be by compulfion ? if fo, then by

who me,

1 Winflow, in his Relations, fays of Acadian Geology (2d ed. p. 675), fhow-
the Indians: " Th€ people are very in- ing that the Micmacs ftill know that
genious and obfervative ; they keep ac- conftellation as Mooin, 'the bear.'"
count of time by the moon, and win- 2 Roger Williams, in the preface to his
ters or fummers ; they know divers of Key (p. 23), fays : " Wife and judicious
the ftars by name ; in particular they men, with whom I have difcourfed, main-
know the north ftar, and call it majke, tain their [the Indians] original to be
which is to fay, the bear:' (Young's northward from Tartaria." The Afi-
Chro7t. of Pilg., pp. 365-6.) See alfo atic origin of the North American Indi-
to the fame effed, Roger Williams's ans was a neceffary part of the fcriptural
Key (^Publications of the Narraganfett dogma of the origin and defcent of
Club, vol. i.) and Mr. Trumbull's note man. It is fafe, however, to affert that,
(p. 105). Mr. Trumbull now further firft and laft, every poffible theory on this
adds : " The name {mafke) was given to fubjedl has been carefully elaborated.
Urfa Major or Charles's Wain, not to It is not neceffary, in connexion with
the North Star ; and by nearly all Al- the New Canaan, to enter into the dif-
gonkin tribes. An interefting note on cuffion, as the views of thole, from St.
this point can be found in Hopkins's Gresfory to Voltaire, who have taken
Hifi. Me^norials of the Houfatonic Indi- part in it, have been laborioufl v collected
ans (p. II), and another in Dawfon's by Drake in his ^^^y^ ^//«^/<r2;;j-(ch.ii.).

126 New Englifh Canaan.

whome, or when ? or what part of this mane continent may
No part of be thou^ht to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is

America . ... ti i

kncmne to be yet unknowne : and it is not hke, that a people well enough

arary. ^^ ^^^^ ^.jj ^^ their oue accord undertake to travayle over

a Sea of Ice, confidering how many difficulties they (hall

encounter with ; as firft, whether there be any Land at the

end of their unknowne way, no Land beinge in view; then

want of Food to fuftane life in the meane time upon

^^ 20 that Sea of Ice ; or * how ihould they doe for Fuell,

to keepe them at night from freezing to death, which

will not bee had in fuch a place. But it may perhaps be

granted that the Natives of this Country might originally

come of the fcattred Trojans : For after that Brutus, who

Why Brutus was thc forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflifl;
"''"'"^' had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a
great overthrow, to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine
and many other of the Heroes of Latium, yet hee held it
more fafety to depart unto fome other place and people,
then by flaying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or
doubtfull Conqueft, which as hiftory maketh* mention hee
performed,) this people were difperfed : there is no quef-
tion but the people that lived with him, by reafon of their
converfation with the Grsecians and Latines, had a mixed
language that participated of both, whatfoever was that
which was proper to their owne nation at firfl I know not ;
for this is commonly feene where 2. nations traffique to-

Two nations gcthcr, the ouc indcvounng to underfland the others mean-

meetins^e make . , , ,, ^. r ^ "ii

a mixt Ian- mg makcs them both many times fpeak a mixed language,
giiage. ^^ jg approoved by the Natives of New England, through

the

New Englifh Canaan. 127

the coveteous defire they have to commerce with our nation
and wee with them.

And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not
finde that his whole number went with him at once, or
arrived at one place ; and being put to Sea might encounter
with a ftorme that would carry them out of fight of Land,
and then they might fayle God knoweth whether, and
fo might be put upon this * Coaft, as well as any ^ 2\
other. Compaffe I beleeve they had none in thofe
dayes ; Sayles they might have, (which Daedalus the firfl DcedaUis the
inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne sayiL!^^
Icarus the ufe of it, who to this Coft found how dangerous it icams the fee-
is for a Sonne not to obferve the precepts of a wife Father, ^say£^^ ^^^'^
fo that the Icarian Sea now retaines the memory of it to this
day,) and Victuals they might have good ftore, and many
other things fittinge ; oares without all queflion they would
ftore themfelves with, in fuch a cafe; but for the ufe of
Compaffe, there is no mention made of it at that time
(which was much about Sauls time, the firft that was made Troy dejiroyed
King of Ifraell.) Yet it is thought (and that not without w.
good reafon for it) that the ufe of the Loadftone and Com- The Loadjiom
paffe was knowne in Salomons time, for as much as hee fent ''time,
Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and bewtify
that magnificent Temple of Hierufalem by him built for the
glory of Almighty God, and by his fpeciall appointment:
and it is held by Cofmographers to be 3. yeares voyage
from Hierufalem to Ophir, and it is conceaved that fuch a
voyage could not have beene performed, without the helpe
of the Loadftone and Compaffe.

And

128 New Englifh Canaan.

And why fliould any man thinke the Natives of New
England to be the gleanings of all Nations, onely becaufe
by the pronunciation and termination their words feeme to
trench upon feverall languages, when time hath not fur-
nifhed him with the interpretation thereof. The thinge

that muft induce a man of reafonable capacity to any
=^2 2 maner of conjedure of ^ their originall, muft be the

fence and fignification of the words, principally to
frame this argument by, when hee fhall drawe to any conclu-
fion thereupon : otherwife hee fhall but runne rounde about
a maze (as fome of the fantafticall tribe ufe to do about the
tythe of mint^ and comin.) Therefore, fmce I have had
the approbation of Sir Chriftopher Gardiner,^ Knight, an
able gentl. that lived amongft them, and of David Tompfon,^
a Scottifh gentl. that likewife was converfant with thofe
people, both Scollers and Travellers that were diligent in
taking notice of thefe things, as men of good judgement,
and that have bin in thofe parts any time, befides others of
leffe, now I am bold to conclude that the originall of the
Natives of New England may be well conjeftured to be

from

1 [muit.] See/upra^ in, note i. land, was ifiued to him, and the next

2 See Infra * 182-4 and note. year, he then being apparently a young
^ David Thomfon occupied the ifland man and newly married, he came out

in Bofton Harbor, which Hill bears his and eftablifhed himfelf at Pifcataqua,

name, from fome time in 1625, appar- whence he afterwards moved to Bofton

ently, until his death in 1628 {fupra, Harbor. All that is known of Thomfon

24). He left a widow and an only fon, can be found in Mr. Deane's Notes to

who inherited the ifland. Originally, an Indenture, &^c.y in the Proc. Mafs.

Thomfon feems to have been a meffen- Hiji. Soc, 1876 (pp. 358-81). See alfo,

ger, or poffibly an agent, of the Council Proc. Mafs. Hifi. Soc., 1878 (p. 204),

for New England. In November, 1622, and Memorial Hifiory of Bofton (vol. i.

a patent, covering a confiderable tra6l of p. 2>z).

New Englifk Canaan.

129

from the fcattered Trojans, after fuch time as Brutus de-
parted from Latium.^ Chapter III.

1 Morton's attempt to trace the origin
of the North American Indians from
Brutus, and the fupport he finds for his
theory in the refemblance of fome In-
dian to Greek words, there being no rea-
fon to fuppofe that Brutus or the Latins
had any acquaintance with Greek, reads
like a humorous fatire on the hiftorical
methods in vogue with the writers of
his time. Until within the laft century
there were two hiftorical events, or events
affumed to be hiftorical, to one or the
other of which it was deemed fafe to
refer the origin of any modern nation.
Thefe events were the Siege of Troy
and the Flood, — the profane and the
facred beginnings of modern hiftory.
Morton wrote in 1635, and his mind na-
turally had recourfe to the profane theo-
ry. Fifteen years later, Milton began his
hiftory of England, and at theoutfet came
in conta6l with Brutus. '' That which we
have," he then remarks, " of oldeft feem-
ing, hath by the greater part of judicious
antiquaries been long reje6fed for a
modern fable." He neverthelefs " de-
termined to beftow the telHng over even
of thefe reputed tales, . . . feeing that
ofttimes relations heretofore accounted
fabulous have been after found to con-
tain in them many footfteps and rehques
of fomething true ; as what we read in
poets of the flood, and giants little be-
lieved, till undoubted witneffes taught
us that all was not feigned." Then
paffing on, he fays: "After the flood,
and the difperfing of nations, as they
journeyed leifurely from the Eaft, Go-
mer, the eldeft fon of Japhet, and his
offspring, as by authorities, arguments
and affinity of divers names is generally
believed, were the firft that peopled all
thefe weft and northern climes." Com-
ing down to Brutus and the whole pro-
geny of kings, and following Geoffrey of

Monmouth, Milton then recounts in de-
tail the marriages, voyages, adventures
and mifhaps of the defcendants of ^neas
until Brutus reached an "ifland, not yet
Britain but Albion, in a manner defert
and inhofpitable ; kept only by a rem-
nant of giants, whofe exceffive force and
tyranny had deftroyed the reft. Thefe
Brutus deftroys," and, after this, " in a
chofen place, builds Troja Nova, changed
in time to Trinovantum, now London."

The fuperiority of Morton's hiftorical
method to Milton's, or to that in ufe
in Milton's time, is obvious. Accepting
the common origin, he premifes that he
does not find that " when Brutus did
depart from Latium his whole number
went with him at once." Accordingly,
fome of them being put to fea, '■''might
encounter with a ftorm," and then being
carried out of fight of land, " they might
fail God knoweth whether, and fo 7night
be put on this coaft, as well as any
other." And hence the author is " bold
to conclude that the original of the na-
tives of New England may be well con-
je6tured to be from the fcattered Trojans,
after fuch time as Brutus departed from
Latium."

It would be eafy to quote from many
ferious produ6tions, contemporaneous
with the New Canaan and a century
after it, examples of the fame method
of daring hiftorical hypothefis ; a fin-
gle inftance will, however, fuflice. In
his hiftory of Lynn, written in 1829, the
Rev. Alonzo Lewis fays (p. 21) : "The
Indians are fuppofed by fome to be
the remnants of the long loft ten tribes
of Ifrael ; and their exiftence in tribes,
the fimilarity of fome of their cuftoms,
and the likenefs of many words in their
language, feem to favor this opinion."

More fenfible than either Thomas
Morton or Mr. Lewis, Wilham Wood,

I30

New Englifh Canaan.

Chap. III.

Of a great mortality that happened amongjl the Natives of
New England^ neere about the time that the Englifh came
there to plant,

IT fortuned fome few yeares before the Englifh came to in-
habit at new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon fome
diftafl given in the Maffachuffets bay by Frenchmen, then
trading there with the Natives for beaver, they fet upon
the men at fuch advantage that they killed manie of
* 23 them, burned their fhipp, ^ then riding at Anchor by
an Ifland there, now called Peddocks Ifland,^ in mem-
ory of Leonard Peddock ^ that landed there, (where many

wilde

in writing his New England^ s Profpe^,
in 1633, remarks (p. 'j2>), that "Some
have thought they [the Indians] might
be of the difperfed Jews, becaufe fome
of their words be near unto the Hebrew;
but by the fame rule they may conclude
them to be fome of the gleanings of all
nations, becaufe they have words which
found after the Greek, Latin, French,
and other tongues."

There is in the Magnalia (book iii.
part iii.) a lengthy but highly charac-
teriftic paffage, in which Mather re-
counts the points of refemblance which
the evangehft Eliot faw between the In-
dians and " the pofterity of the difperfed
and reje6led Ifraelites."

1 Peddock's, or Pettick's, Ifland, ftill
fo called, is one of the largell iflands in
Bofton Bay. It lies dire6lly oppofite to
George's Ifland and Hull, from which
lafl; it is feparated by a narrow channel,
and is between Weymouth and Quincy

bays, on the eaft and wefl;. See Shurt-
leff's Defer ip'tion of Bq/ion, p. 557.

2 Leonard Peddock feems to have
been in the employment of the Council
for New England. In the records of the
Council for the 8th of November, 1622,
is the following entry : " Mr. Thomfon
is ordered to pay unto Leo: Peddock
^10 towards his paynes for his laft Im-
ployments to New England." Subfe-
quently, on the 19th of the fame month:
" It is ordered that a Letter be written
from the Counfell to Mr. Weflon, to de-
liver to Leonard Peddock, a boy Native
of New England called papa Whinett
belonging to Abbadakefl;, Sachem of
Maffachufetts, which boy Mr Peddock
is to carry over with him " {Proceedings
of the American Antiquarian Society ,
April, 1867, pp, 70, 74).

Andrew Wefl;on had returned to Eng-
land in the Charity, leaving WelTaguflett
in September, 1622 {Jupra, 7). He

would

New Englifk Canaan.

131

wilde Anckies^ haunted that time, which hee thought had bin
tame,) dillributing them unto 5. Sachems, which were Lords
of the feverall territories adjoyninge : they did keepethem fo
longe as they lived, onely to fport themfelves at them, and
made thefe five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, Five French-
which is the generall worke that they require of a fervant.^ Ihe Salvages.^
One of thefe five men, out livinge the reft, had learned fo
much of their language as to rebuke them for their bloudy
deede, faying that God would be angry with them for it,

and

would feem to have brought over the
Indian boy in queftion with him. From
the entry in the records of the Council
for New England, juft quoted, it would
appear that Leonard Peddock was in
New England during the fummer of
1622. The reference to him in the text
is additional evidence that Morton was
there at the fame time, and in company
with Wefton.

^ This is undoubtedly a mifprint for
Auckies, which was a failor's corrup-
tion for Auks. The Great Auk {Alca
impertnis) is probably referred to. This
bird, now fuppofed to be extin6l, was
formerly common on the New England
coaft. Audubon, writing in 1838, fays :
" An old gunner, refiding on Chelfea
Beach, near Bofton, told me that he
well remembered the time when the
Penguins were plentiful about Nahant
and fome other iflands in the bay."
{Am. Ornithological Biog.., vol. iv.
p. 3 1 6. ) Prof effor Orton, alluding to this
paffage, in the American Naturalijl
(1869, p. 540), expreffes the opinion
that the Razor-billed Auk was the bird
referred to ; but Profeffor F. W. Put-
nam adds, in a foot-note, that "the 'old
hunter ' was undoubtedly corre6l in his
ftatement, as we have bones of the fpe-
cies taken from the fhell-heaps of Mar-
blehead, Eagle Hill in Ipfwich, and

Plum Ifland." Dr. Jeffries Wyman
found them in the fhell-heaps at Cotuit.
See Mem.HiJl. ofBoJlon, vol. i. p. 12.

There is an elaborate paper on the
Great Auk, under the title of "The
Garefowl and its Hiftorians," by Pro-
feffor Alfred Newton, in the Nattiral
Hijiory Review for 1865, p. 467.

2 Morton would feem to be miftaken
in this ftatement. Between 1614 and
1 619 two French velTels were loft on the
Maffachufetts coaft. One was wrecked
on Cape Cod, and the crew, who fuc-
ceeded in getting on fliore, were moft
of them killed by the favages, and
the remainder enflaved in the way de-
fcribed in the text. Two of thefe cap-
tives were fubfequently redeemed by
Captain Dermer (Bradford, p. 98). The
other veflel was captured by the favages
in Bofton Bay, and burned. This is the
veflel referred to by Morton as riding at
anchor off Peddock's Ifland. The cir-
cumftances of the capture are defcribed
in Phinehas Pratt's narrative (iv. Mafs.
Hijl. Coll. , vol. i V. pp. 479, 489) . All the
crew, he fays, were killed, and the fhip,
after grounding, was burned. Pratt's
ftatement is diftin6l, and agrees with
Bradford's, that the captives among the
Indians were the furvivors from the vef-
fel wrecked on Cape Cod, not from that
captured in Bofton Bay.

132 ' New Englifh Canaan.

and that hee would in his difpleafure deftroy them ; but

the Salvages (it feemes boafling of their flrenght,) replyed

and fayd, that they were fo many that God could not kill

them.-^

The Plague But Contrary wife, in fhort time after the hand of God

f^uon the In- £^jj hcavily upon them, with fuch a mortall ftroake that they

died on heapes as they lay in their houfes ; and the living,

that were able to fhift for themfelves, would runne away and

let them dy, and let there Carkafes ly above the ground

without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited,

there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the

Theiivingenot rcft; thc liviugc being (as it feemes) not able to bury the

'dead! ^'''''^ ^^' dead, they were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray

upon. And the bones and fkulls upon the feverall places

of their habitations made fuch a fpeflacle after my com-

ming into thofe partes, that, as I travailed in that For-

reft

1 Pratt's account of this furvivor their unburied carcafes ; and they that

among the French crew is to be found were left alive were fmitten into awful

in IV. Mafs. Hiji. Coll., vol. iv. pp. 479, and humble regards of the Englifh by

489. He fays that "one of them was the terrors which the remembrance of the

wont to read much in a book (fome fay Frenchman's prophecy had imprinted on

it was the New Teftament), and that the them."

Indians enquiring of him what his book Pratt, whom Mather followed, claims

faid, he told them it did intimate that to have derived his knowledge of thefe

there was a people like French men that events during the winter of 1622-3 di-

would come into the country and drive re6lly from favages concerned in them,

out the Indians." The account given by The probability is that the tradition of

Mather {Magnalia, B. i. ch. ii. § 6) is the French captive, and his book and

curioufly like that in the text- After prophecy, was a common one among the

quoting the fubftance of Pratt's ftate- fettlers both at Plymouth and about

ment he adds : " Thefe infidels then Bofton Bay. Pratt apparently had a

blafphemoufly replied, ' God could not habit, as he grew old, of appropriating

kill them ; ' which blafphemous miftake to his own account many of the earlier

was confuted by a horrible and unufual and more ftriking incidents of colonial

plague, whereby they were confumed in hiftory. (Mather's Early New Eng-

fuch vaft multitudes that our firft plant- land^ p. 17.)
ers found the land aimoft covered with

New E^tglifh Canaan,

133

reft nere the Maffachuffets, it feemed to mee a new found
Golgatha.

* But otherwife, it is the cuftome of thofe Indian ^ 24
people to bury their dead ceremoniouily and carefully,
and then to abandon that place, becaufe they have no
defire the place fhould put them in minde of mortality : and
this mortality was not ended when the Brownifts of new
Plimmouth were fetled at Patuxet in New England: and
by all likelyhood the fickneffe that thefe Indians died of
was the Plague, as by conference with them fmce my arrivall
and habitation in thofe partes, I have learned.^ And by this

meanes

^ The myfterious peftilence, which in
the years 1616 and 161 7 fwept away
the New England Indians from the Pe-
nobfcot to Narraganfett Bay, is mentioned
by all the earlier writers, and its char-
a^er has recently been fomewhat dif-
cuffed. There can be no doubt that it
pra6lically deftroyed the tribes, efpe-
cially the Maffachufetts and the Pokano-
kets, among which it raged. The former
were reduced from a powerful people,
able, it is faid, to mufter three thoufand
warriors, to a mere remnant a few hun-
dred ftrong. The Pokanokets were in
fome localities, notably at Plymouth,
adlually exterminated, and the country
left devoid of inhabitants (i. Mafs. Hiji.
Coll^., vol. i. p. 148 ; Young's Chron. of
Pilg.^ p. 183). Winflow gave a defcrip-
tion of the defolation created by this
peftilence, and of the number of the un-
buried dead, very hke that in the text
(Young's Chron. of Pilg., pp. 183, 206).
On this fubje6t, fee alfo, Bradford, pp.
102, 325 ; Johnfon, p. 16 ; Wood's Prof-
pea, p. 72 ; III. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol.
vi. p. 57.

No definite conclufion as to the nature
of this peftilence has been reached by
medical men. It has been fuggefted that

it was the yellow-fever (Palfrey, vol. i.
p. 99, n). As, however, it raged equally
in the depth of the fevereft winter as
in fummer, this could not have been
the cafe (iii. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vi.
p. 57 ; Bradford, p. 325). Other mod-
ern medical authorities have inclined
to the opinion that it was a vifttation
of fmall-pox (Dr. Holmes in Mafs.
Hifl. Soc, Low. Infl. Le^., 1869., p.
261 ; Dr. Green's Cejttennial Addrefs
before the Mafs. Med. Soc., June 7, 1881,
p. 12). In fupport of this hypothefts
Captain Thomas Dermer is quoted, who,
failing along the coaft in 1619-20, wrote
"we might perceive the fores of fome
that had efcaped, who defcribed the
fpots of fuch as ufually die " (Purchas,
vol. iv. p. 1778). On the other hand,
none of the contemporaneous writers
who fpeak of the difeafe ever call it the
fmall-pox, though all of them were per-
fectly familiar with fmall-pox, and a very
large portion of them probably bore its
marks. Dermer fpeaks of it as "the
plague." Bradford, when the fame peft-
ilence raged on the Connecticut, de-
fcribed it as " an infe6tious fever." Dr.
Fuller, the firft New England ph)-ftcian,
then died cf it (Bradford, p. 314). He

could

134 New Englifh Canaan.

meanes there is as yet but a fmall number of Salvages in
New England, to that which hath beene in former time, and
the place is made fo much the more fitt for the Englifh
2 Sam. 20,. Nation to inhabit in, and ereft in it Temples to the glory
of God.

Chap. IV.

Of their Houfes and Habitations,

THe Natives of New England are accuflomed to build
them houfes much like the wild Irifh ; they gather
Poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the
ground, placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference,
and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an Arch, they
bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which
is wondrous tuffe, fo that they make the fame round
'^ 25 on the Topp * for the fmooke of their fire to affend

and

could not but have been familiar with ern parts were fore fmitten by the con-

the fmall-pox and its fymptoms ; and it tagion ; firft by the plague, afterwards,

would feem moft improbable that he when the Enghfh came, by the fmall-

fhould have died of that difeafe among pox."

his dying neighbors, and not have known It would feem. therefore, that the pef-

what was kiUing him. Moreover, in tilence of 1616-7 was clearly not the

1633-4 the fmall-pox did rage among fmall-pox. More probably it was, as

the Indians, and Bradford, in giving a Bradford fays, " an infe6lious fever,"

fearfully graphic account of its ravages, or fome form of malignant typhus, due

adds, "they [the Indians] fear it more to the wretched fanitary condition of the

than the plague." Joffelyn alfo draws Indian villages, which had become over-

the fame diftin6lion, faying {Two Voy- crowded, owing to that profperous con-

ages, p. 123): "Not long before the dition of the tribes which Smith defcribes

Engliih came into the country, hap- as exifting at the time of his vifit to the

pened a great mortality amongft [the coaft in 1614 (ill. Mafs. Hiji. Coll., vol.

Indians] ; efpecially where the Enghfh vi. p. 109).
afterwards planted, the Eaft and North-

New Englifh Canaan. 135

and paffe through; thefe they cover with matts, fome
made of reeds and fome of longe flagges, or fedge, finely
fowed together with needles made of the fplinter bones of a
Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe,
which their groueth naturally, leaving feverall places for
dores, which are covered with mats, which may be rowled up
and let downe againe at their pleafures, making ufe of the
feverall dores, according as the winde litts.-^ The fire is
alwayes made in the middefl of the houfe, with winde fals
commonly : yet fome times they fell a tree that groweth
neere the houfe, and, by drawing in the end thereof, main-
taine the fire on both fids, burning the tree by Degrees
fhorter and fhorter, untill it be all confumed ; for it burneth
night and day. Their lodging is made in three places of
the houfe about the fire ; they lye upon plankes, commonly
about a foote or i8. inches aboue the ground, raifed upon
railes that are borne up upon forks ; they lay mats under
them, and Coats of Deares fkinnes, otters, beavers, Ra-

cownes,

* "Their houfes, which they call wig- whilft their women drefs their vi6luals.
warns, are built with poles pitcht into They have commonly two doors, one
the ground of a round form for moft opening to the fouth, the other to the
part, fometimes fquare. They bind down north, and, according as the wind fets,
the tops of their poles, leaving a hole they clofe up one door with bark and
for fmoak to go out at, the reft they hang a deers Ikin or the like before the
cover with the bark of trees, and line other. Towns they have none, being
the infide of their wigwams with mats always removing from one place to an-
made of rufhes painted with feveral other for conveniency of food, fometimes
colors. One good poft they fet up in to thofe places where one fort of fifh is
the middle that reaches to the hole in moft plentiful, other whiles where others
the top, with a ftaft" acrofs before it ; at are. I have feen half a hundred of their
a convenient height, they knock in a wigwams together in a piece of ground
pin upon which they hang their kettle, and they fhow prettily ; within a day or
Beneath that they fet up a broad ftone two or a week they have been all dif-
fer a back which keepeth the poft from perfed." (Joffelyn's Voyages, p. 126).
burning. Roundby the walls they fpread See alfo Young's Chron. of Pilg., ^.
their mats and Ikins where the men fleep 144.

136

New Englifh Canaan.

cownes, and of Beares hides, all which they have dreffed
and converted into good lether, with the haire on, for their
coverings : and in this manner they lye as warme as they
defire.-^ In the night they take their reft ; in the day time,

either

1 Giving in his Key (p. 48) the Indian
combination of words fignifying " let
us lay on wood," Roger Williams adds :
" This they do plentifully when they he
down to lleep winter and fummer, abun-
dance they have and abundance they
lay on : their fire is inftead of our bed-
clothes. And fo, themfelves and any
that have any occafion to lodge with
them, muft be content to turn often to
the fire, if the night be cold, and they
who firft wake mufl repair the fire."
Elfewhere he fays : " God was pleafed
to give me a painful, patient fpirit, to
lodge with them in their filthy, fmoky
holes." See alfo Gookin's Indians^ l.
Mafs. Hijt. Coll., vol. i. p. 150.

When Stephen Hopkins and Edward
Winflow were fent on their miffion to
Maffafoit, in June, 1621, they fay of their
entertainment on the night they arrived
at his lodge : " Late it grew, but vis-
uals he offered none ; for indeed he had
not any, being he came so newly home.
So we defired to go to reft : he layd us
on the bed with himfelf and his wife,
they at the one end and we at the other,
it being only planks layd a foot from the
ground, and a thin mat upon them.
Two more of his chief men, for want
of room, preffed by and upon us; fo
that we were worfe weary of our lodg-
ing than of our journey." {Mourt, p. 45).
Two nights of this entertainment fuf-
ficed for the embaffadors who "feared
we fhould either be light-headed for
want of fleep, for what with bad lodg-
ing, the favages barbarous finging, (for
they ufe to fing themfelves afleep,)
lice and fleas within doors, and mufke-
tos without, we could hardly fleep all

the time of our being there." {lb., p. 46)
Another obferver remarked of the New
England Indians : " Tame cattle they
have none, excepting Lice, and Dogs of
a wild breed " (Joffelyn's Voyages, p.
127) ; and to the fame effeft Roger
WiUiams notes {Key, p. 74) : " In middle
of fummer, becaufe of the abundance of
fleas, which the dufl of the houfe breeds,
they [the Indians] will fly and remove
on a fudden to a frefh place."

Smith, defcribing the Virginia Ind-
ians, fays {True Travels^ vol. i. p.
130) : " Their houfes are built like our
arbors, of fmall young fprings bowed and
tyed, and fo clofe covered with mats, or
the barkes of trees very handfomely, that
nothwithftanding either winde, raine, or
weather, they are as warm as ftoves,
but very fmoaky, yet at the toppe of the
houfe there is a hole made for the fmoake
to go into right over the fire.

" Againfl the fire they lie on litde
hurdles of Reeds covered with a mat,
borne from the ground a foote and more
by a hurdle of wood. On thefe round
about the houfe they lie heads and points,
one by the other, againft the fire, fome
covered with mats, fome with fkins, and
fome flark naked lie on the ground, from
fix to twenty in a houfe."

In Parkman's Jefuits in North Amer-
ica there is a hvely account of Le Jeune's
experience in paffing the winter of 1633-
4 among the Algonquins : " Put afide
the bear-fkin, and enter the hut. Here,
in a fpace fome thirteen feet fquare, were
packed nineteen favages, men, women
and children, with their dogs, crouched,
fquatted, coiled like hedge-hogs, or ly-
ing on their backs, with knees drawn up
perpendicularly

New Englifh Canaan.

137

either the kettle is on with fifh or flefh, by no allowance, or
elfe the fire is imployed in roafling of fifhes, which they
delight in.^ The aire doeth beget good ftomacks, and they
feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels ; for
they are willing that any one fhall eate with them.
Nay, if any one that fhall come into their * houfes and * 26
there fall a fleepe, when they fee him difpofed to lye
downe, they will fpreade a matt for him of their owne accord,
and lay a roule of ikinnes for a boulfter, and let him lye. If
hee fleepe untill their meate be difhed up, they will fet a
wooden boule of meate by him that fleepeth, and wake him
faying, Cattup keene Meckin'^: That is. If you be hungry,
there is meat for you, where if you will eate you may. Such
is their Humanity.^

Likewife,

perpendicularly to keep their feet out of
the fire. . . . The bark covering was full
of crevices, through which the icy blafts
ftreamed in upon him from all fides ; and
the hole above, at once window and
chimney, was fo large, that, as he [Le
Jeune] lay, he could watch the ftars as
well as in the open air. While the fire
in the midft, fed with fat pine-knots,
fcorched him on one fide, on the other
he had much ado to keep himfelf from
freezing. At times, however, the crowded
hut feemed heated to the temperature
of an oven. But thefe evils were light
when compared to the intolerable plague
of fmoke. During a fnow-fl;orm, and
often at other times, the wigwam was
filled with fumes fo denfe, stifling, and
acrid, that all its inmates were forced
to lie flat on their faces, breathing
through mouths in contadl with the cold
earth. Their throats and mouths felt
as if on fire ; their fcorched eyes fl:reamed
with tears. . . . The dogs were not an

unmixed evil, for by fleeping on and
around [Le Jeune], they kept him warm
at night ; but, as an offset to this good
fervice, they walked, ran and jumped
over him as he lay " (pp. 27-8).

^ In regard to the food of the Indians
and their alternate gluttony and abfl:i-
nence, fee Joffelyn's Two Voyages, pp.
129-30; Wood's Profpe^, p. $7. Wood's
account of the Indians is ufually the
befl:. As refpe6ls eating, he fays : " At
home they will eate till their belHes fl:and
South, ready to fplit with fulneffe : it
being their fafliion, to eate all at fome-
times, and fometimes nothing at all in
two or three days, wife providence being
a ftranger to their wilder dayes."

2 " Cattup keen ? ' Are you hungry ? '
Meechin, ' meat ; ' or, as an Indian
would be more likely to fay, Meech, ' eat.'
In Eliot's orthography, Kodtup ken ?
Meechuin, ' vi6tuals, food,' or ?neech,
' eat." — 7. H. Trumbull.

^ In regard to the hofpitality of the

Indians,

138 New Englifh Canaan.

Likewife, when they are minded to remoove, they carry
away the mats with them ; other materiales the place adjoyn-
ing will yeald. They ufe not to winter and fummer in one
place, for that would be a reafon to make fuell fcarfe ; but,
after the manner of the gentry of Civilized natives, remoove
for their pleafures ; fome times to their hunting places, where
they remaine keeping good hofpitality for that feafon ; and
fometimes to their filhing places, where they abide for that
feafon likewife : and at the fpring, when fifh comes in plen-
tifully, they have meetinges from feverall places, where they
exercife themfelves in gaminge and playing of juglinge
trickes and all manner of Revelles, which they are deligted
in ; [fo] that it is admirable to behould what paftime they
ufe of feverall kindes, every one flriving to furpaffe each
other.^ After this manner they fpend their
time.

Chapter V.

Indians, Wood fays {PfofpeSi, p. 59) :
"Though they be fometimes fcanted,
yet are they as free as Emperors, both
to their countrymen and EngHfh, be he
ftranger or mere acquaintance; count-
ing it a great difcourtefie not to eat of
their high conceited dehcates, and fup
of their un-oat-meal'd broth, made thick
with fifhes, fowles and beafts boiled
all together; fome remaining raw, the
reft converted by over-much feething to
a loathed mafs, not halfe fo good as
Irijh Boniclappery See alfo Gookin's
Indians^ i. Mafs, Hijl. ColL^ vol. i. p.

153-

So alfo Roger Williams (Key^ ch. ii.
and iii.) : " If any ftranger came in,
they prefently give him to eat of what
they have ; many a time, and at all times
of the night (as I have fallen in travel,

upon their houfes) where nothing hath
been ready, have themfelves and their
wives, rifen to prepare me fome refrefh-
ing."

"In Summer-time I have knowne
them lye abroad often themfelves, to
make room for ftrangers, Englifti, or
others."

^^ I have known them leave their Houfe and
Mat
to lodge a friend orjlranger,
Where Jewes and Chrijiians oft have sent
Chrijl Jefus to the manger.'''

1 In regard to the games and remov-
als of the Indians, fee Williams's Key,,
chs. xi. and xxviii. ; Smith's True Trav-
els^ vol. i. p. 133 ; Gookin's Indians^
I. Mafs. Hifi. Coll., vol. i. p. 153 ; and
Wood's Profpe£l^ pp. ()'^, 73-5- Wood

gives

New Englifk Canaan.

139

^Chap. V.

Of their Religion,

IT has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero,^ that
there is no people fo barbarous but have fome worihipp
or other. In this particular, I am not of opinion therein
with TuUy ; and, furely, if hee had bin amongfl; thofe people
fo longe as I have bin, and converfed fo much with them
touching this matter of Religion, hee would have changed
his opinion. Neither fhould we have found this error,
amongft the reft, by the helpe of that wodden profpe6l,^ if it

had

gives an excellent defcription of the
Indian game of foot-ball: " Their goals
be a mile long placed on the fands,
which are as even as a board ; their
ball is no bigger than a hand-ball, which
fometimes they mount in the air with
their naked feet, fometimes it is fwayed
by the multitude; fometimes alfo it is
two days before they get a goal ; then
they mark the ground they win, and
begin the next day. . . . Though they
play never fo fiercely to outward appear-
ance, yet anger-boiling blood never
ftreams in their cooler veins ; if any
man be thrown, he laughs out his foil,
there is no feeking of revenge, no quar-
relling, no bloody nofes, fcratched faces,
black eyes, broken fhins, no bruifed
members or crufhed ribs, the lament-
able effects of rage ; but the goal being
won, the goods on the one fide loft ;
friends they were at the foot-ball, and
friends they muft meet at the kettle."
To the fame effe6t fee Strachey's
Hijlorie, p. 78.

1 Ipfifque in hominibus nulla gens eft
neque tam immanfueta, neque tam fera.

quae non, etiam fi ignoret qualem habere
deum deceat, tamen habendum fciat
{De Legibus, Lib. i. § 8).

Quae efi; enim gens, aut quod genus
hominum, quod non habeat fine doftrina
anticipationem quandam deorum? {De
Natura Deorum^ Lib. i. § 16).

2 The reference here is to Wood's
New England'' s ProfpeH: (p. 70) . I n re-
gard to the time when this work was
written and publifiied, fee Mr. Deane's
preface to the edition in the publications
of the Prince Society. Morton makes
numerous references to it in the New
Canaan {infra, *38, 53, 64, 84, 99).
The prefent reference is one of the few
unintelligible paffages in the book.
Wood's language, to which Morton ap-
parently takes exception, is as follows :
" As it is natural to all mortals to wor-
fhip fomething, fo do thefe people ; but
exa6lly to defcribe to whom their wor-
fliip is chiefly bent, is very difiicult ;
they acknowledge efpecially two, Ketan,
who is their good God, to whom they
facrifice after their garners be full with a
good crop : upon this God likewife they

invocate

140 New Englifk Canaan.

had not been fo unadvifedly built upon fuch highe land as
that Coaft. (all mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld,
had hee but taken the judiciall councell of Sir William
Alexander, that fetts this thing forth in an exaft and con-
clufive fentence ; if hee be not too obflinate ? hee would
graunt that worthy writer, that thefe people ?cc^ Jim fide ^ fine
lege, & fine rege} and hee hath exemplified this thinge by
a familiar demonftration, which I have by longe experience
obferved to be true.

And, me thinks, it is abfurd to fay they have a kinde of
worlhip, and not able to demonftrate whome or what it is
they are accuftomed to worlhip. For my part I am more
willing to beleeve that the Elephants (which are reported to

invocate for fair weather, for rain in time
of drought, and for the recovery of their
fick ; but if they do not hear them, then
they verify the old verfe, Fle£lere fi
jiequeo Superes^ Acheronta movebo^ their
Pow-wows betaking themfelves to their
exorcifms and unromantick charms. . . .
by God's permiffion, through the Devil's
help, their charms are of force to pro-
duce effe6ts of wonderment." Morton
would feem to have wifhed to depreciate
Wood, as an authority on New England,
and fo, playing upon his name and the
title of his book, he imphed that he had
taken a much more elevated view of the
religious development of the Indians
than could be juftified either by the ac-
tual fads, or the judgment of the bell
informed.

Being unintelligible, the pafiage, from
the word "neither" to the end of the
paragraph, is reproduced here in all re-
fpe6ts, including pun6luation, as it is in
the text of the original edition.

1 There is no expreffion of this nature
to be found anywhere in thofe writings

of Sir William Alexander which have
come down to us and are included in the
publications of the Prince Society. He
may have ufed the expreffion quoted in
converfation, or in a letter. Winflow, in
Mourt, fays : " They [the favages] are a
people without any rehgion, or knowledge
of any God " (p. 61). This ftatement he
fubfequently, however, retraced in his
Good News (Young's Chron. of Pilg-,
p. 355), where he fays, " therein I erred,
though we could then gather no better."
The fubjedl of the religion of the North
American aborigines has been treated by
Parkman in the introdu6lion to the Jefu-
its in North America (pp. Ixvii.-lxxxix),
and he concludes that " the primitive In-
dian, yielding his untutored homage to
an All-pervading and Omnipotent Spirit,
is a dream of poets, rhetoricians and fen-
timentahfts." To the fame effed Pal-
frey, at the clofe of his vigorous difcuf-
fion of the fame fubjeft (vol. i. p. 45),
declares that the devout Indian of the
"untutored mind is as fabulous as the
griffin or the centaur."

New Rngli/h Canaan. 141

be the moft intelligible of all beafts) doe worfhip the
moone, for the reafons ^ given by the author of this "^28
report, as M^ Thomas May, the minion of the Mufes
dos recite it in his continuation of Lucans hiftoricall poem,^
rather then this man : to that I mull bee conftrained, to con-
clude againfl: him, and Cicero, that the Natives of New
England have no worfhip nor religion at all ; and I am fure
it has been fo obferved by thofe that neede not the helpe of
a wodden profpe6l for the matter.

Chap. VI.
Of the Indians apparrelL

THe Indians in thefe parts do make their apparrell of
the fkinnes of feverall fortes of beafhes, and commonly
of thofe that doe frequent thofe partes where they doe live ;
yet fome of them, for variety, will have the fkinnes of fuch
beafts that frequent the partes of their neighbors, which they
purchafe of them by Commerce and Trade.

Thefe

^ Thomas May, better known as the "But in a higher kind (as fome relate)
hiftorian and fecretary of the Long Par- Do Elephants with men communicate.
liament, was born in 1595 and died in (If you believe it) a religion
1650. In 1627 he publifhed a tranfla- ^^^ey ^^ve, and monthly do adore the

tion of Lucan's Pharfalia, with 2. /up- ^ rj^^?^'i r^- at -u .-u j

j,!^^^.^^-,,^ r.r- /-^«+,-r,,,o+;^!, /t^o^a u Bcfides the loftie Nabathasan wood,

piementum or continuation (1630), by ^f vaft extent, Amylo's gentle flood,

himfelf m feven books. This_ continua- Gliding along, the fandie mould combines.

tion he fubfequently tranflated into Latin, Thither, as oft as waxing Cynthia fliines

and it is included in Lemaire's edition In her firft borrowed light, from out the
of the Pharfalia in his Bibliotheca Claf- wood,

fica Latina (Paris, 1832). The paffage Come all the Elephants, and in the floud

to which Morton refers is in the third Wafliing themfelves (as if to purifie)

book of the continuation (11. 108-78). They proftr ate fall ; and when religioufly

The following are fome of the verfes : — J^^y J^^^^ ^^ored the Moon, return again

° Into the woods with joy.

142 New Englifh Canaan.

The Indians Thefe fkinncs they convert into very good lether, making

^ether.^'^^ the fame plume and foft. Some of thefe fkinnes they

dreffe with the haire on, and fome with the haire off; the

hairy fide in winter time they weare next their bodies, and

in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes : they

make likewife fome Coates of the Feathers of Turkies,

which they weave together with twine of their owne makinge,

very prittily : thefe garments they weare like mantels

* 29 knit over ^ their ihoulders, and put under their arme :

they have likewife another fort of mantels, made of

Mofe fkinnes, which beafl is a great large Deere fo bigge

as a horfe; thefe fkinnes they commonly dreffe bare, and

Indians inge- make them wondrous white, and ftripe them with fize round

Zll'forThltr about the borders, in forme like lace fet on by a Taylor, and

garments. fomc thcy ftripc with fize in workes of feverall fafhions very

curious, according to the feverall fantafies of the workemen,

wherein they ftrive to excell one another: And Mantels

made of Beares fkinnes is an ufuall wearinge, among the

Natives that live where the Beares doe haunt : they make

fhooes of Mofe fkinnes, which is the principall leather ufed

to that purpofe ; and for want of fuch lether (which is the

ftrongeft) they make fliooes of Deeres fkinnes, very hand-

fomly and commodious ; and, of fuch deeres fkinnes as they

dreffe bare, they make ftockinges that comes within their

fhooes, like a flirrop flockinge, and is faftned above at their

belt, which is about their middell; Every male, after hee

The modejiy of ziidJm^s uuto the age which they call Pubes, wereth a belt

the Ind^an ^y^^^^ ^j^ middcll, and a broad peece of lether that goeth

betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and behinde

under that belt ; and this they weare to hide their fecreats

men

New Englifh Ca^iaan. 143

of nature, which by no meanes they will fuffer to be feene,
fo much modefty they ufe in that particular ; thofe gar-
ments they allwayes put on, when they goe a huntinge, to
keepe their fkinnes from the brufh of the Shrubbs : and
when they have their Apparrell one they looke like
Irifh in * their troufes, the Stockinges joyne fo to "^ 30
their breeches. A good well growne deere fkin is of
great account with theni, and it mufl have the tale on, or elfe
they account it defaced ; the tale being three times as long
as the tales of our Englifh Deere, yea foure times fo longe,
this when they travell is raped round about their body, and,
with a girdle of their making, bound round about their mid- Indians trav
dies, to which girdle is faftned a bagg, in which his inftru- 7iaiT\op^tL
ments be with which hee can ftrike fire upon any occafion.^ fire at aii times.

Thus

^ In his Latin poem on New England, A girdle fet with formes of birds or beafts,

which the Rev. William Morell wrote Begirts their wafte, which gentle gives
during his eighteen months' refidence at \)!itm eafe.

W^effaguffet as the fpiritual head of the ?^^,^ :?^e ^ot^ modeflly bind up his ihame,

Robert Gorges fettlement of 1623, there ^^^ ^deare-lkin ftart-ups reach up to the

is a defcription of the Indian and his a kind of J)/^/.^ keeps their feet from cold,

garments. The followmg is the author's which after travels they put off, up-fold,

Englifh rendermg of his more elegant Themfelves they warme, their ungirt limbes
Latin original : — they reft

« -iuTt- r ^ ' ^ -.1 In ftraw, and houfes, like to fties."

Whofe hayre is cut with greeces, yet a ' n^ r ura ^ 7; 1 •

iQ^^jj^g & » J j^ J/rz/y. Hifi. Col/., vol. 1. p. 131.

Is left ; the left fide bound up in a knott :

Their males fmall labour but great pleaf- Wood's defcription of the Indian ap-

ure know, parel is very like Morton's. He fays,

Who nimbly and expertly draw the bow ; however : " The chiefe reafons they ren-

Traind up to fuffer cruell heat and cold, der why they will not conforme to our

Or what attempt fo ere may make them EngHlh apparell are becaufe their women

nf \^r^^.r Avo^^i,^. ^.oii A^ *i J • cannot wafh them when they be foyled,

Of body ftraight, tall, ftrong, mantled m ^^^ their meanes will not reach to buy

Of deare or bever, with the hayre-fide in ; ^^Y ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^°^^ ^'''*^' ^^^^^^ °^^ '
An otter Ikin their right armes doth keepe ^^^ ^^^7 confidently beleeve, tlie Englilh

warme, will not be fo liberall as to furnifli them

To keepe them fit for ufe, and free from upon gifture : therefore they had rather

harme ; goe naked than be loufie, and bring their

bodies

144 New Englifh Canaan.

Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer
of Arrowes at their back, hanging one their left fhoulder
with the lower end of it in their right hand, they will runne
away a dogg trot untill they come to their journey end ;
and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe feeme to me to be
hanfomer then when they are in Englifh apparrell, their
geflure being anfwerable to their one habit and not unto
ours.

Their women have Ihooes and ftockinges to weare like-
wife when they pleafe, fuch as the men have, but the mantle
they ufe to cover their nakedneffe with is much longer then
that which the men ufe ; for, as the men have one Deeres
fkinn, the women have two foed together at the full lenght,
and it is fo lardge that it trailes after them like a great
Ladies trane; and in time I thinke they may have their
Pages to beare them up ; and where the men ufe but one
Beares fkinn for a Mantle, the women have two foed togeth-
er ; and if any of their women would at any time fhift one,
they take that which they intend to make ufe of, and
"^ 31 *call it over them round, before they fhifte away the

other,

bodies out of their old tune, making them with the hayre, but in Sommer without,
more tender by a new acquired habit, The better fort ufe large mantels of
which poverty would conftrain them to Deare Ikins, not much differing in fafh-
leave." {Profpe^, p. 56). ion from the Irifh mantels. Some im-

The defcription given by Winllow brodered with white beads, fome with
(Young's Chron. of Pilg.,"^. 365) is very copper, others painted after their man-
fimilar to MorelPs. See alfo Gookin's ner. But the common fort have fcarce
Indians, i. Mafs. Hiji. ColL, vol. i. p. to cover their nakedneffe, but with graffe,
152; Joffelyn's Two Voyages, pp. 128-9, the leaves of trees or fuch like. We have
and Williams's ICey, ch. xx. feene fome ufe mantels made of Turkey

Smith {True Travels, wo\. i. p. 129) feathers fo prettily wrought and woven
fays : " For their apparell, they are with threads that nothing could be dif-
fometimes covered with the Ikinnes of cerned but the feathers."
wilde bealls, which in winter are dreffed

New Englifh Canaan. 145

other, for modelly, being unwilling to be feene to dif-
cover their nakednefle ; and the one being fo caft over, The Indians
they flip the other from under them in a decent manner, i^Hr'iakld.
which is to be noted in people uncivilized ; therein they '''^^'
feeme to have as much modefty as civilized people, and
deferve to be applauded for it.^

Chap. VII.

Of their Child-bearing, and delivery, and what manner of

perfons they are.

THe women of this Country are not fuffered to be ufed
for procreation untill the ripeneffe of their age, at
which time they weare a redd cap made of lether, in forme
like to our flat caps, and this they weare for the fpace of 1 2
moneths, for all men to take notice of them that have any
minde to a wife ; and then it is the cuftome of fome of their
Sachems or Lords of the territories, to have the firft fay or
maidenhead of the females.^ Very apt they are to be with

childe,

^ Supra, 16, note. (Young's Chron. of Ptlg., p. 364) fays:

2 Speaking of a ceremony common to — " When a maid is taken in marriage,

the Algonquins and the Hurons, of pro- fhe firft cutteth her hair, and after wear-

pitiating their fiftiing-nets by formally eth a covering on her head, till her hair

marrying them every year to two young be grown out. Their women are di-

girls, Parkman fays : "As it was indif- verfely difpofed ; fome as modeft, as

penfable that the brides fhould be vir- they will fcarce talk one with another

gins, mere children were chofen" {The in the company of men, being very

Jefuits in North A77terica., p. Ixix. note), chafte alfo ; yet others feem light, laf-

The fubje6l of female chaftity among civious, and wanton. . . . Some com-

the Indians has already been referred to mon ftrumpets there are, as well as

(^fupra, p. 17), and it is extremely quef- in other places ; but they are fuch as

tionable whether they had any concep-
tion of it. Winflow, in his Good N'ews

either never married, or widows, or put
away for adultery ; for no man will keep

fuch

146

New Englifh Canaan.

TAewomm dt^ ch'ilde, and very laborious when they beare children; yea,

TaborioL. '"'^^ when they are as great as they can be : yet in that cafe they

neither forbeare laboure, nor travaile ; I have feene them in

that plight with burthens at their backs enough to load a

horfe ; yet doe they not mifcarry, but have a faire delivery,

and a quick : their women are very good midwifes,

"^ 32 and the women very lufly after * delivery, and in a day

or two will travell or trudge about.-^ Their infants

are

fuch an one to wife." Strachey {Hif-
torie^ p. 65), fays of the Virginians:
"Their younger women goe not fhad-
owed [clothed] amongfb their owne com-
panie, until they be nigh eleaven or
twelve returnes of the leafe old, nor are
they much afhamed thereof, and there-
fore would the before remembered Po-
chahuntas, a well featured, but wanton
yong girle, Powhatan's daughter, fome-
tymes reforting to our fort, of the age
then of eleven or twelve yeares, get the
boyes forth with her into the markett
place, and make them wheele, falling on
their hands, turning up their heeles up-
wards, whome fhe would followe, and
wheele fo her felf, naked as fhe was, all
the fort over ; but being over twelve
yeares , they put on a kind of femecinftum
lethern apron (as doe our artificers or
handycrafts men) before their bellies,
and are very fhamefac't to be feen bare."
Ellis, in his Red Man and White Man
(p. 185), remarks on this point: "The
obfcenity of the favages is unchecked in
its revolting and difgufting exhibitions.
Senfuality feeks no covert."

Under thefe circumftances it is unnec-
effary to fay that Morton's ftatements as
to the red cap and the Sachem's privi-
lege are pure fi6lion, and what Parkrnan
fays of the Hurons is probably true of
the Maifachufetts, — their women were
wantons before marriage and houfehold

drudges after it. (ye/uits in North
America^ p. xxxv).

1 To the fame effe6l Roger Williams
fays : " Moft of them count it a fhame
for a woman in travell to make com-
plaint, and many of them are fcarcely
heard to groane. I have often known in
one quarter of an hour a woman merry
in the houfe, and delivered and merry
again : and within two dayes abroad, and
after foure or five dayes at worke."
[Key^ ch. xxiii.). See alfo Joffelyn's
Two Voyages^ p. 127. Wood's account
is almoft as comprehenfive, though not
quite fo detailed and graphic as Joffe-
lyn's : " They likewife few their huf-
band's fhooes, and weave mats of Turkic
feathers ; befides all their ordinary
houfehold drudgery which dayly lies
upon them, fo that a bigge belly hinders
no bufineffe nor a childbirth takes much
time, but the young infant being greafed
and footed, wrapped in a Beaver Ikin,
bound to his goode behaviour with his
feete up to his bumme, upon a board two
foot long and one foot broade, his face
expofed to all nipping weather, this little
Pappoufe travels about with his bare-
footed mother, to paddle in the Icie
Clammbanks after three or four dales
of age have fealed his paffe-board and
his mother's recovery." {Profpe^l, p.
82). See alfo Young's Chron. of Pilg-^
p. 358.

New Englifh Canaan. 147

are borne with haire on their heads, and are of complexion
white as our nation; but their mothers in their infancy
make a bath of Wallnut leaves, hufkes of Walnuts, and fuch children
things as will ilaine their fkinne for ever, wherein they dip \f^jkiZ{t'''^
and wafhe them to make them tawny ^ ; the coloure of their
haire is black, and their eyes black. Thefe infants are car-
ried at their mothers backs by the help of a cradle made of
a board forket at both ends, whereon the childe is fafl bound
and wrapped in furres; his knees thrufl up towards his
bellie, becaufe they may be the more ufefuU for them when
he fitteth, which is as a dogge does on his bumme : and
this cradle furely preferues them better then the cradles of
our nation, for as much as we finde thern well proportioned,
not any of them crooked backed or wry legged : and to give
their charra6ler in a worde, they are as proper men and
women for feature and limbes as can be found, for flefh and
bloud as active : longe handed they are, (I never fawe a

clunchfifled

1 The idea that the Indian was born of the fuppofed procefs : The Indians

white was very commonly entertained " are generally of a cuUour browne or

in the firffc half of the feventeenth cen- rather tawny, which they caft themfelves

tury. Lechford, in his Plaine Dealings into with a kind of arfenick ftone, . . .

fays (p. 50) : '' They are of complexion and of the fame hue are their women ;

fwarthy and tawny ; their children are howbeit, yt is fuppofed neither of them

borne white, but they bedaube them with naturally borne fo difcouloured ; for Cap-

oyle, and colours, prefently." Joffelyn tain Smith (lyving fomtymes amongft

alfo fpeaks of the Indians "dying them) affirmeth how they are from the

[their children] with a liquor of boiled womb indifferent white, but as the men,

Hemlock-Bark {Two Voyages^ p. 128). fo doe the women, dye and difguife them-

Speaking of the Virginia women, Smith felves into this tawny cowler, efteeming

fays : " To make [their children] hardie, yt the belt beauty to be neereft fuch a

in the coldeft mornings they them wafh kynd of murrey as a fodden quince is

in the rivers, and by paynting and oynt- of (to liken yt to the neereft coulor I

ments fo tanne their Ikinnes, that after can), for which they daily anoint both

a year or two, no weather will hurt face and bodyes all over with fuch a

them." {True Travels, vol. i. p. 131). kind of fucus or unguent as can caft

Strachey gives a more particular account them into that ftayne." {Hijiorie^ p. 63).

148 New Englifh Canaan.

clunchfifted Salvadg amongft them all in my time.) * The
colour of their eies being fo generally black made a Salvage,
that had a younge infant whofe eies were gray, fhewed him
to us, and faid they were Englifh mens eies ; I tould the
Father that his fonne was nan weeteo, which is a baflard ;
hee replied titta Chejhetue fquaa^ which is, hee could not
tell, his wife might play the whore ; and this childe the father
defired might have an Englifh name, becaufe of the lite-
neffe^ of his eies, which his father had in admiration be-
caufe of novelty amongft their nation.

^33 ^ C H A P . V I I I .

Of their Reverence, and refpe5l to age,

IT is a thing to be admired, and indeede made a prefident,
r^^c r,.nu^rcu, that 2, Nation yet uncivilizied fhould more refpe6l age
Sjf ^^^ ^^' then fome nations civilized, fmce there are fo many precepts
both of divine and humane writers extant to inftru6t more

Civill

1 "If there was noticed a remarka- Titta fhould be tatta, a word com-
ble exemption from phyfical deformi- mon among Indians, which is well
ties, this was probably not the effe6l of enough tranflated by Morton. Eliot
any peculiar congenital force or com- renders it ' I know not/ and R. Williams
pletenefs, but of circumftances which adds to this meaning, ' I cannot tell ; it
forbade the prolongation of any imper- may be fo.'

fe6l hfe. The deaf, blind or lame child " Chejhetue is unknown to me, but

was too burdenfome to be reared, and I am inclined to believe that Morton

according to a favage eftimate of ufeful- heard fomething like it, in the connec-

nefs and enjoyment, its prolonged life tion and fubftantially with the meaning

would not requite its nurture." Palfrey, he gives it, — fome adje6l:ive of difpraife,

vol. i. p. 23. qualifying fquaa, or, as we write it,

2 Mr. Trumbull writes : " Morton's fquaw?*

nan iveeteo ftands for Eliot's nanwe- ^ [likenefle.] Stt/upra, ill, note i.
tee' {nanwetue, Cotton), *a baftard.'

New Englifh Canaan. 149

Civill Nations : in that particular, wherein they excell, the
younger are allwayes obedient unto the elder people, and at
their commaunds in every refpe6t without grummbling ; ^ in
all councels, (as therein they are circumfped; to do their ac-
ciones by advife and councell, and not rafhly or inconfider-
ately,) the younger mens opinion Ihall be heard, but the old
mens opinion and councell imbraced and followed : befides,
as the elder feede and provide for the younger in infancy, fo
doe the younger, after being growne to yeares of manhood,
provide for thofe that be aged : and in diftribution of Acctes
the elder men are firft ferved by their difpenfator ; and their
counfels (efpecially if they be powahs) are efteemed as
oracles amongft the younger Natives.

The confideration of thefe things, mee thinkes, fhould
reduce fome of our irregular young people of civilized
Nations, when this ftory fhall come to their knowledge, to

better

1 The obfervations of Roger Wil- To the fame efFe6l Champlain wrote
liams led him to a different conclufion: {Voyages^ vol. iii. p. 170): "The chil-
" Their affe6lions, efpecially to their dren have great freedom among thefe
children, are very ftrong. . . . This ex- tribes. The fathers and mothers in-
treme affeftion, together with want of dulge them too much, and never pun-
learning, makes their children faucie, ifh them. Accordingly they are fo bad
bold and undutifull. I once came into and of fo vicious a nature, that they
a houfe, and requefted fome water to often ftrike their mothers and others,
drink; the father bid his fonne (of The moft vicious, when they have
fome 8 yeeres of age) to fetch fome acquired the ftrength and power, ftrike
water : the boy refufed, and would not their fathers. They do this whenever
ftir; I told the father, that I would cor- the father or mother does anything that
re6l my child, if he ihould so difobey does not pleafe them. This is a fort
me &c. Upon this the father took up of curfe that God infli6ls upon them."
a fticke, the boy another, and flew at Winflow, on the other hand, in his Good
his father : upon my perfuafion, the News, lends fome fupport to Morton's
poore father made him fmart a little, ftatement in the text. He fays : "The
throw down his ftick, and run for water, younger fort reverence the elder, and
and the father confelfed the benefits of do all mean offices, whilft they are
corre<5lion, and the evill of their too in- together, although they be ftrangers."
dulgent affections." {Key, ch. v.) (Young's Chron. of PUg., p. 363.)

150 New Engli/h Canaan.

better manners, and make them afhamed of their for-
^ 34 mer error in this kinde, and to * become hereafter

more duetyfull; which I, as a friend, (by obfervation
having found,) have herein recorded for that purpofe.

Chap. IX.

Of their pretty conjuring tricks.

F we doe not judge amiffe of thefe Salvages in account-
ing them witches, yet out of all queftion we may be bould
to conclude them to be but weake witches, fuch of them as
wee call by the names of Powahs: fome correfpondency
they have with the Devil out of al doubt, as by fome of
their accions, in which they glory, is manifefted. Papali-
quineo,-^ that Sachem or Sagamore, is a Powah of greate efti-
mation amongft all kinde of Salvages there : hee is at their
Revels (which is the time when a great company of Salvages

meete

^ This Sachem, "the moll noted pow- declares of the Indians, "their chief e

ow and forcerer of all the country," is God they worfhip is the Devil" {True

better known by the name of Paffacon- Travels, vol. i. p. 138) ; Mather inti-

away. There is quite an account of mates that it was the devil who feduced

him in Drake's Book of the Indians the firft inhabitants of America into it

(B. III. ch. vii.). He is the PilTacan- {Magnalia, B. i. ch. i. § 3), and Win-

nawa mentioned by Wood in his Prof- throp, defcribing the great frefhet of

^e^ (p. 70), of whom the favages re- 1638, records that the Indians "being

ported that he could "make the water pawawing in this tempeft, the Devil

burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, came and fetched away five of them "

metamorphize himfelf into a flaming (vol. i. p. * 293).

man." Morton fays of the Indian con- See alfo Gookin's Indians, i. Mafs.
jurers, " fome correfpondency they have Hifi. Coll., vol. i. p. 154; Young's
with the Devil out of all doubt ; " Wood, Chron. of Pilg., p. 356 ; and Cham-
to the fame effe6t, remarks that "by plain's Voyages, yo\. iii. p. 171. Cham-
God's permiffion, through the Devil's plain fays the Indians do not worfhip
helpe, their charmes are of force to pro- any God ; " they have, however, fome
duce effedls of wonderment;" Smith refpe6l for the devil."

New Englifh Canaan. 151

meete from feverall parts of the Country, in amity with their
neighbours) hath advaunced his honor in his feats or jugling
tricks (as I may right tearme them) to the admiration of the
fpe6lators, whome hee endevoured to perfwade that he would
goe under water to the further fide of a river, to broade for
any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee per-
formed by fwimming over, and deluding the company with
cafting a mift before their eies that fee him enter in and
come out, but no part of the way hee has bin feene : like-
wife by our Englifh, in the heat of all fummer to make Ice
appeare in a bowle of faire water ; firft, having the water fet
before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according to
their ufuall accuftome, and before the fame has bin
ended a thick Clowde has darkned the * aire and, on a * 35
fodane, a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed
the natives ; in an inftant hee hath fhewed a firme peece of
Ice to flote in the middeft of the bowle in the prefence of
the vulgar people, which doubtles was done by the agility
of Satan, his confort.

And by meanes of thefe fleights, and fuch like trivial
things as thefe, they gaine fuch eftimation amongfl the refl
of the Salvages that it is thought a very impious matter for
any man to derogate from the words of thefe Powahs. In
fo much as hee that fhould flight them, is thought to commit
a crime no leffe hainous amongft them as facriledge is with
us, as may appeare by this one paffage, which I wil fet forth
for an inftance.

A neighbour of mine that had entertain'd a Salvage into a salvage en-
his fervice, to be his fador for the beaver trade amongft his If^^'^^f^'-
countrymen, delivered unto him divers parcells of commodi-
ties

152 New Englifh Canaan.

ties fit for them to trade with ; amongft the reft there was
one coate of more efteeme then any of the other, and with
this his new entertained marchant man travels amonft his
countrymen to truck them away for beaver : as our cuftome
hath bin, the Salvage went up into the Country amongft his
neighbours for beaver, and returned with fome, but not enough
anfwerable to his Mafteers expeftation, but being called to an
accompt, and efpecially for that one Coate of fpeciall note,
made anfwer that he had given that coate to Tantoquineo, a
Powah : to which his mafter in a rage cryed, what have I to
doe with Tantoquineo? The Salvage, very angry at the
matter, cryed, what you fpeake ? you are not a very good
man ; wil you not give Tantoq. a coat ? whats this ? as
^ 36 if he had offered ^Tantoquineo the greateft indignity
that could be devifed : fo great is the eftimation and
reverence that thefe people have of thefe lugling^ Powahs,
who are ufually fent for when any perfon is ftcke and ill
at eafe to recover them, for which they receive rewards
An Engiijh- as doc our Chirgeons and Phifitions ; and they doe make a
Z%eiitng. trade of it, and boaft of their fkill where they come : ^ One
amongft the reft did undertake to cure an Englifhman of

1 [Ingling.] ^tQ/upra, in. note i. iii. part, iii., where Mather fays: "In

2 In regard to the Indian Powaws, molt of their dangerous diftempers, it is
priefts, or medicine men, and their meth- a powaw that mull be fent for ; that is,
ods of dealing with the fick, fee the de- a priell who has more familiarity with
tailed account in Champlain's Voyages^ Satan than his neighbors ; this conjurer
vol. iii. pp. 1 71-8 ; JoHelyn^s Two Voya- comes and roars and howls and ufes
ges, p. 134; Wood's Pro/pe^, p. 71; Wil- magical ceremonies over the fick man,
liams's AVy, ch.xxxi. ; Gookin's7>2^/^;^j-, and will be well paid for it when he is
I. Af ass. I/i/l.Co/l., vol. i. p. 1 54;Young^s done; if this don't effedl the cure, the
Or^;«. i?/'/'//^,, pp. 317, 357; Lechford's 'man's time is come, and there's an
P/ai'ne Dealing, (TrumhuWs ed.) p. 117; end.' " For a fummary in Indian med-
Parkman's Jefuits in North America^ ical pra6lice, fee further, Ellis's Red
pp. Ixxxiv-lxxxvii ; alfo Magnalia, B. Man and White Man, pp. 127-33.

New Engli/h Canaan. 153

a fwelHng of his hand for a parcell of bifkett, which being
delivered him hee tooke the party greived into the woods
afide from company, and with the helpe of the devill, (as
may be conjeftured,) quickly recovered him of that fwelling,
and fent him about his worke againe.

Chap. X .

Of their duels, and the honourable eJlimatio7i of victory
obtained thereby,

THefe Salvages are not apt to quarrell one with another:
yet fuch hath bin the occafion that a difference hath
happened which hath growne to that height that it has not
bin reconciled otherwife then by combat, which hath bin per-
formed in this manner : the two champions prepared for the
fight, with their bowes in hand and a quiver full of arrowes How the Sah-
at their backs, they have entered into the field ; the Chal- theire dueiil
lenger and challenged have chofen two trees, {landing
within ^ a little diftance of each other; they have cafl * 37
lotts for the cheife of the trees, then either champion
fetting himfelfe behinde his tree watches an advantage to
let fly his fhafts, and to gall his enemy ; there they continue
fhooting at each other ; if by chaunce they efpie any part
open, they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part, and
ufe much agility in the performance of the tafke they have
in hand. Refolute they are in the execution of their ven-
geance, when once they have begunne ; and will in no wife
be daunted, or feeme to fhrinck though they doe catch a clap

with

154 New Rnglifh Canaan,

with an arrow, but fight it out in this manner untill one or
both be flaine.

I have bin fhewed the places where fuch duels have bin

performed, and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall

Trees marked of the Combat, where that champion hath flood that had the

'formeadueiT hap to bc flaiuc in the duell : and they count it the greateft

honor that can be to the ferviving Cumbatant, to fhew the

fcares of the wounds received in this kinde of Conflict, and

if it happen to be on the arme, as thofe parts are moft in

danger in thefe cafes, they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon

that place of the arme, as a trophy of honor

to their dying day.

^38 ^Chap. XI.

Of the maintaining of their Reputation,

Eputation is fuch a thing that it keepes many men in
awe, even amongfl Civilized nations, and is very much
flood upon : it is (as one hath very well noted) the awe of
great men and of Kings. And, fmce I have obferved it to
be maintained amongfl Salvage people, I cannot chufe but
give an inilance thereof in this treatife, to confirme the
common receaved opinion thereof.

The Sachem or Sagamore of Sagus made choife, when
hee came to mans eflate, of a Lady of noble difcent, Daugh-
ter to Papafiquineo, the Sachem or Sagamore of the territo-
ries neare Merrimack River, a man of the beft note and
A marriage, eflimation in all thofe parts, and (as my Countryman M^

Wood

New Englifh Canaaji, 155

Wood declares in his profpecSt) a great Nigromancer ; this
Lady the younge Sachem with the confent and good Hking
of her father marries, and takes for his wife.^ Great enter-
tainement hee and his receaved in thofe parts at her fathers
hands, where they weare fefhed in the beft manner that
might be expe6led, according to the Cuflome of their nation,
with reveh'ng and fuch other folemnities as is ufuall amongfl
them. The folemnity being ended, Papafiquineo caufes a
felefted number of his men to waite upon his Daughter
home into thofe parts that did properly belong to her Lord
and hufband ; where the attendants had entertainment by
the Sachem of Sagus and his Countrymen : the folemnity
being ended, the attendants were gratified.

Not long after the new married Lady had a great
^ defire to fee her father and her native country, from ^ 39
whence fhee came ; her Lord willing to pleafure her
and not deny her requefl, amongfl them thought to be rea-
fonable, commanded a felefted number of his owne men to
condu6l his Lady to her Father, wher, with great refpeft,
they brought her ; and, having feafted there a while, returned
to their owne country againe, leaving the Lady to continue

there

1 Paffaconoway, already referred to made the fubjea of a poem, The Bridal

(Jupra, p. 150, note), dwelt at a place of Pennacook, by Whittier, and Drake

called Pennakook, and his dominions ex- repeats it ; but as Winnepurkitt is faid

tended over the fachems living upon the by Drake to have been born in 1616. and

Pifcataqua and Its branches. The young to have fucceeded Montowampate as

Sachem of Saugus was named Win- Sachem in 1633, and as Morton, at the

nepurkitt, and was commonly known clofe of the prefent chapter, declares that

among the Enajifli as George Rumney- " the lady, when I came out of the

marfh. He was a fon of Nanepafhemet, country [in 1630], remained ftill with her

and at one time proprietor of Deer father," the whole flory would feem to be

Ifland in Bofton Harbor. (Drake's ^^^/^ not only highly inconfiflent with what

of the Indians, ed. 1851, pp. 105, in, we know of Indian Hfe and habits, but

278.) The incident in the text has been alfo at variance with fads and dates.

156 New Englifh Canaan.

there at her owne pleafure, amongft her friends and old ac-
quaintance ; where fhee paffed away the time for a while, and
in the end defired to returne to her Lord againe. Her father,
An ambajfage thc old Papafiquinco, having notice of her intent, fent fome
pajiquinlo ""to of his mcn on ambaffage to the younge Sachem, his fonne in
)aw{aSacJmn. 1^^, to Ict him undcrftand that his daughter was not willing
to abfent her felfe from his company any longer, and ther-
fore, as the meffengers had in charge, defired the younge
Lord to fend a convoy for her ; but hee, Handing upon
tearmes of honor, and the maintaining of his reputation,
returned to his father in law this anfwere, that, when fhe
departed from him, hee caufed his men to waite upon her to
her fathers territories, as it did become him ; but, now Ihee
had an intent to returne, it did become her father to fend
her back with a convoy of his own people ; and that it flood
not with his reputation to make himfelf or his men fo fervile,
to fetch her againe. The old Sachem Papafiquineo, having
this meffage returned, was inraged to think that his young
fon in law did not efteeme him at a higher rate then to
capitulate with him about the matter, and returne [d] him
this fharpe reply ; that his daughters bloud and birth de-
ferved more refpe6t then to be fo flighted ; and, therefore,
if he would have her company, hee were belt to fend or

come for her.

* 40 ^ The younge Sachem, not willing to under value

himfelfe and being a man of a flout fpirit, did not

flick to fay that hee fhould either fend her by his owne

Convey, or keepe her ; for hee was determined not ^ to floope

fo lowe.

1 [not determined.] St^fiipra^ in, note i.

New Englifh Canaan. 157

So much thefe two Sachems flood upon tearmes of repu-
tation with each other, the one would not fend her, and the
other would not fend for her, lealt it fhould be any diminifh-
ing of honor on his part that fhould feeme to comply, that
the Lady (when I came out of the Country) remained ftill
with her father; which is a thinge worth the noting, that
Salvage people Ihould feeke to maintaine their reputation fo
much as they doe.

Chap. XII.

Of their trafficke and trade one with another,

ALthough thefe people have not the ufe of navigation,
whereby they may trafficke as other nations, that are
civilized, ufe to doe, yet doe they barter for fuch commodi- Beads injiead
ties as they have, and have a kinde of beads, infteede of ""-^ ^^°^''y-
money, to buy withall fuch things as they want, which they
call Wampampeak: and it is of two forts, the one is white,
the other is of a violet coloure. Thefe are made of the fhells
of fifhe. The white with them is as filver with us ; the other
as our gould: and for thefe beads they buy and fell, not
onely amongfl themfelves, but even with us.

^ We have ufed to fell them any of our commodities "^ 4 1 The iiame of
for this Wampampeak, becaufe we know we can have WampampLh

beaver againe of them for it : and thefe beads are currant in
all the parts of New England, from one end of the Coaft
to the other.

And although fome have indevoured by example to have
the like made of the fame kinde of fliels, yet none hath ever,

158

New Englifh Canaan.

as yet, attained to any perfe6lion in the compofure of them,
but that the Salvages have found a great difference to be
in the one and the other ; and have knowne the counterfett
beads from thofe of their owne making ; and have, and doe
flight them.i

The fkinnes of beafls are fould and bartered, to fuch

people

1 JolTelyn's account of the Indian
wampum is written, more than any-
other which has come down to us, in the
fpirit of the New Canaan : " Their Mer-
chandize are their beads, which are their
money, of thefe there are two forts, blew
Beads and white Beads, the firft is their
Gold, the laft their Silver, thefe they
work out of certain fhells fo cunningly
that neither Jew nor Devil can counter-
feit, they dril them and ftring them, and
make many curious works with them to
adorn the perfons of their Sagamores
and principal men and young women, as
Belts, Girdles, Tablets, Borders for their
womens hair. Bracelets, Necklaces, and
links to hang in their ears. Prince
Phillips a httle before I came for Eng-
land, coming to Boflon, had a coat on
and Bufkins fet thick with thefe Beads
in pleafant wild works, and a broad belt
of the fame ; his Accoutrements were
valued at Twenty pounds. The Englifh
Merchant giveth them ten fliilhngs a
fathom for their white, and as much
more or near upon for their blew beads."
{Two Voyages^ pp. 142-3.)

There is a much better defcription of
wampum in Lawfon's account of Caro-
lina, quoted by Drake {Book of the In-
dians^ p. 328), in which he fays that
wampum was current money among the
Indians " all over the continent, as far
as the bay of Mexico." Lawfon's ex-
planation of the fa6t that wampum was
not counterfeited to any confiderable
extent is much more natural than Mor-

ton's. It coft more to counterfeit it than
it was worth. "To make this Peak
it cofb the Englifh five or ten times as
much as they could get for it; whereas
it coft the Indians nothing, becaufe they
fet no value upon their time, and there-
fore have no competitors to fear, or that
others will -take its manufa6lure out of
their hands."

Roger WilHams {Key^ ch. xxvi.) de-
votes confiderable fpace to this fubje6l,
and fays : " They [the Indians] hang
thefe firings of money about their necks
and wrifts ; as alfo upon the necks and
wrifts of their wives and children. They
make [girdles] curioufly of one, two,
three, foure and five inches thicknefs and
more, of this money which (fometimes
to the value of ten pounds and more)
they weare about their middle and as a
fcarfe about their fiioulders and breafts.
Yea, the Princes make rich Caps and
Aprons (or fmall breeches) of thefe
Beads thus curioufly ftrung into many
formes and figures : their blacke and
white finely mixt together " See alfo
Trumbull's notes in his edition of the
Key, and Palfrey, vol. i. p. 3 r. Parkman
{Jefuits in North America, pp. xxxi.,
Ixi.) fays of wampum : " This was at
once their currency, their ornament, their
pen, ink and parchment." He defcribes
the ufes to which it was put among the
Hurons and Iroquois, but adds : " The
art [of working it] foon fell into difufe,
however ; for wampum better than their
own was brought them by the traders,

befides

New Englifh Canaa^t. 159

people as have none of the fame kinde in the parts where
they live.^

Likewife they have earthen potts of divers fizes, from a
quarte to a gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in ; very
ftronge, though they be thin like our Iron potts.

They have dainty wooden bowles of maple, of highe
price amongfl: them ; and thefe are difperfed by bartering
one with the other, and are but in certaine parts of the
Country made, where the feverall trades are appropriated to
the inhabitants of thofe parts onely.

So likewife (at the feafon of the yeare) the Salvages that
live by the Sea fide for trade with the inlanders for frefh
water, reles curious filver reles,^ which are bought up of fuch
as have them not frequent in other places : cheflnuts,
and fuch like ufefull ^ things as one place affordeth, ^ 42
are fould to the inhabitants of another, where they are
a novelty accompted amongfh the natives of the land.^ And
there is no fuch thing to barter withall, as is their Wham-

pampeake.

Chapter XIIL

befides abundant imitations in glafs and have been turned into " reles " through

porcelain." the compofi tor's inability to decipher

1 "How have foule hands (in fmoakie copy.

houfes) the firft handling of thefe Furres ^ There is not much to be faid on

which are often worne upon the hands the manufaftures, utenfils and trade of

of Queens and heads of Princes !" (Wil- the New England aborigines. Gookin

liams's Key, p. 158.) (i. Mafs. H^fi. Coll., vol. i. p. 151) has

2 There is obvioufly fome corruption a comprehenfive paragraph on the fub-
of the original manufcript here, but I je(5l, and there is a palTage in JolTelyn
have been unable to obtain any even {Two Voyages, p. 143). See alfo Wil-
plaufible fuggellion of what word may liams's Key, ch, xxv.

i6o New Englifh Canaan.

ter.

Chap. XIII.

Of their Magazines or Storekowfes,

Hefe people are not without providence, though they be
uncivilized, but are carefull to preferve foede in flore
Whatcarethey agaiuft wiuter ; which is the corne that they laboure and
%lnefori,Z ^reffc in the fummer. And, although they eate freely of it,
whiles it is growinge, yet have they a care to keepe a con-
venient portion thereof to releeve them in the dead of winter,
(like to the Ant and the Bee,) which they put under ground.
Their barnes are holes made in the earth, that will hold a
Hogfhead of corne a peece in them. In thefe (when their
corne is out of the huike and well dried) they lay their ftore
in greate bafkets (which they make of Sparke ^) with matts
under, about the fides, and on the top ; and putting it into
the place made for it, they cover it with earth : and in this
manner it is preferved from deflru6lion or putrifaftion ; to
be ufed in cafe of neceffity, and not elfe.^

And

1 Joffelyn alfo fpeaks of "bafkets, "Their corn being ripe, they gather it,
bags and mats woven with SparkeJ''' and drying it hard in the Sun, conveigh
{7 wo Voyages, p. 143.) "Spart," Mr. it to their barnes, which be great holes
Trumbull writes, " was a northern Eng- digged in the ground in forme of a
lifh name for the dwarf-rufh, and (as braffe pot, feeled with rinds of trees,
*fpart' in the gloflaries) for ofiers, and wherein they put their corne, covering
I guefs, Morton's and Joffelyn's fparke it from the inquifitive fearch of their
is another form of that name-" Gookin gurmundizing huf bands, who would eate
fays (I. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 151): «P both their allowed portion, and re-
"Some of their balkets are made of ferved feed, if they knew where to finde
rufhes ; fome, of bents ; others, of maize- it. But our hogges having found a way
hulks ; others, of a kind of filk grafs ; to unhmdge their barne doores, and
others, of a kmd of wild hemp ; and robbe their garners, they are glad to
fome of barks of trees." implore their hufbands helpe to roule

2 Wood fays of the Indian women : the bodies of trees over their holes, to

prevent

New Englifh Canaan. i6i

* And I am perfwaded, that if they knew the benefit * 43
of Salte ^ (as they ma}^ in time,) and the meanes to
make falte meate frefh againe, they would endeaver to pre-
ferve fifhe for winter, as well as corne; and that if any
thinge bring them to civility, it will be the ufe of Salte, to
have foode in ftore, which is a cheife benefit in a civilized
Commonwealth.

Thefe people have begunne already to incline to the ufe TheybeggSaite
of Salte. Many of them would begge Salte of mee for to ^ ^^
carry home with them, that had frequented our howfes and
had been acquainted with our Salte meats : and Salte I
willingly gave them, although I fould them all things elfe,
onely becaufe they fliould be delighted with the ufe there of,
and thinke it a commodity of no value in it felfe, allthough
the benefit was great that might be had by the ufe of it.

Chap. XIV.

Of theire Subtilety,

THefe people are not, as fome have thought, a dull, or
flender witted people, but very ingenious, and very
fubtile. I could give maine infhances to maintaine mine
opinion of them in this ; but I will onely relate one, which
is a paffage worthy to be obferved.

prevent thefe pioneers, whofe theevery have, too, a great unkindnefs for our

they as much hate as their flefh." /wine; but I fuppofe that is becaufe

{Pro/pea, p. 81.) Mather alfo, in enu- the hogs devour the clams, which are

merating the points of refemblance be- a dainty with them."

tween the Indians and the IfraeHtes, i See EHis's Red Man and White

{Magnalia, B. iii. part iii.) fays : " They Man, p. 148 ; alfo, infra, 175, n.

1 62 New Englifh Canaan.

"^ 44 * In the Maffachuffets bay lived Cheecatawback/
the Sachem or Sagamore of thofe territories, who had
large dominions which hee did appropriate to himfelfe.

Into thofe parts came a greate company of Salvages from
the territories of Narohiganfet, to the number of loo. per-
fons ; and in this Sachems Dominions they intended to
winter.

When they went a hunting for turkies they fpreade over

fuch a greate fcope of ground that a Turkic could hardily

efcape them : Deare they killed up in greate abundance, and

feafted their bodies very plentifully : Beavers they killed by

They trade no allowaucc ; the fkinnes of thofe they traded away at Waf-

"ykmnes^'/T/^ fagufcus with my neighboures ^ for corne, and fuch other

corne. commoditics as they had neede of ; and my neighboures had

a wonderfull great benefit by their being in thofe parts.

Yea, fometimes (like genious fellowes) they would prefent

their Marchant with a fatt beaver fkinne, alwayes the tayle

A beaver /kinnev^diS not dimiuifhcd, but prcfcntcd full and whole ; although

"^n o/'grea/ the taylc is a prefent for a Sachem,^ and is of fuch mafcu-

ejitmadon. j^-^^ vcrtuc that if fomc of our Ladies knew the benefit

thereof they would defire to have fhips fent of purpofe to

trade for the tayle alone : it is fuch a rarity, as is not more

efteemed of then reafon doth require.

But the Sachem Cheecatawbak, (on whofe poffeffions they
ufurped, and converted the commodities thereof to their

owne

1 This Sachem has already been fuffi- were William Jeffrey, John Burfley and
ciently referred to {Supra, p. n.) AH fuch others of the Robert Gorges expe-
that is known concerning him can be dition of 1623 as ftill remained there,
found in Drake's Book of the Indians, {Supra, 4, 24, 30.) See alfo Ma/s. Hijl.
(ed. 1851), pp. 107-9. ^^^' ^^^^- ^^78, p. 198-

2 Morton's neighbors at Weffagufcus ^ Jnfra^ *;;.

New Englifh Canaan. 163

owne ufe, contrary to his likeing,) not being of power to

refifr them, pra6lifed to doe it by a fubtile ftratagem. a fuhtiie plot

And to that end ^ gave it out amongit us, that the ^^ 45 ^^"^

caufe why thefe other Salvages of the Narohiganfets

came into thefe parts, was to fee what ftrength we were of,

and to watch an opportunity to cut us off, and take that

which they found in our cuftody ufefull for them ; And

added further, they would burne our howfes, and that they

had caught one of his men, named Mefhebro, and compelled

him to difcover to them where their barnes, Magazines, or

ftorehowfes were, and had taken away his corne ; and feemed

to be in a pittifull perplexity about the matter.

And, the more to adde reputation to this tale, defires
that his wifes and children might be harbered in one of our
howfes. This was graunted ; and my neighbours put on
corflets, headpeeces, and weapons defenlive and offenfive.

This thing being knowne to Cheecatawback, hee caufed
fome of his men to bring the Narohiganfets to trade, that
they might fee the preparation. The Salvage, that was
a ftranger to the plott, fimply comming to trade, and find-
ding his merchants lookes like lobflers, all cladd in harneffe,
was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it.
Hafte hee made to trade away his furres, and tooke anything
for them, wifhing himfelfe well rid of them and of the com-
pany in the howfe.

But (as the manner has bin) hee mufl eate fome furmety ^ a Salvage
before hee goe : downe hee fits and eats, and withall had an "^^ '

eie

^ "Frumenty,^. \^k\io furmenty 2indi foned with fugar, cinnamon, &c." Web-
fumety ; from Lat. fru?nentii7n\ Food Jler.
made of wheat boiled in milk, and fea-

164 New Englifk Canaan.

eie on every fide ; and now and then faw a fword or a dagger
layd a thwart a head peece, which hee wondered at,
* 46 and afked his * giude whether the company were not
angry. The guide, (that was privy to his Lords plot)
anfwered in his language that hee could not tell. But the
harmeleffe Salvage, before hee had halfe filled his belly,
ftarted up on a fodayne, and ranne out of the howfe in fuch
haft that hee left his furmety there, and flayed not to looke
behinde him who came after: Glad hee was that he had
efcaped fo.

The fubtile Sachem, hee playd the tragedian, and fained
a feare of being furprifed ; and fent to fee whether the ene-
mies (as the Meffenger termed them) were not in the howfe ;
and comes in a by way with his wifes and children, and
ftopps the chinkes of the out howfe, for feare the fire might
be feene in the night, and be a meanes to diredl his enemies
where to finde them.

And, in the meane time, hee prepared for his Ambaffador
to his enemies a Salvage,^ that had lived 12. moneths in Eng-
land, to the end it might adde reputation to his ambaffage.
A Salvage that This man hee fends to thofe intruding Narohiganfets, to tell
^Monithf In them that they did very great injury to his Lord, to trench
for^^Zn Am- ^pou his prerogatives : and advifed them to put up their
bajador. pipes, and begon in time : if they would not, that his Lord
would come upon them, and in his ayd his freinds the
Englifh, who were up in armes already to take his part, and
compell them by force to be gone, if they refufed to depart

by faire meanes.

This

1 Squanto. See infra^ *io4.

New Englifh Canaan. 165

This meffage, comming on the neck of that which
* doubtleffe the fearefull Salvage had before related of ^47
his efcape, and what hee had obferved, caufed all thofe
hundred Narohiganfets (that meant us no hurt) to be gone
with bagg, and baggage. And my neighboures were gulled a good oppor-
by the fubtilety of this Sachem, and loft the befl trade of ^ficUofibythe
beaver that ever they had for the time ; and in the end ■salan. '^^ ""
found theire error in this kinde of credulity when it was
too late.

Chap. XV.

Of their admirable perfeH^ion, in the ufe of the fences.

THis is a thinge not onely obferved by mee and diverfe
of the Salvages of New England, but, alfo, by the
French men in Nova Francia, and therefore I am the more
incouraged to publifh in this Treatice my obfervation of
them in the ufe of theire fences : which is a thinge that I
fhould not ealily have bin induced to beleeve, if I my felfe
had not bin an eie witneffe of what I fhall relate.

I have obferved that the Salvages have the fence of feeing The Salvages
fo farre beyond any of our Nation, that one would allmoft Ifyeeingetncr
beleeve they had intelligence of the Devill fometimes, when ^^^ ^^'^ ^''^'
they have tould us of a fhipp at Sea, which they have
feene * foener by one hower, yea, two howers fayle, * 48
then any Englifh man that flood by of purpofe to
looke out, their fight is fo excellent.

Their eies indeede are black as iett ; and that coler is
accounted the ftrongeft for fight. And as they excell us in

this

1 66 New Englifh Canaan.

this particular fo much noted, fo I thinke they excell us in
all the reft.

This I am fure I have well obferved, that in the fence of
fmelling they have very great perfe6lion ; which is confirmed
by the opinion of the French that are planted about Can-
ada, who have made relation that they are fo perfeft in the
Salvages that ufc of that feucc, that the}^ will diftinguifh between a Span-
r spamard i^rd and a Frenchman by the fent of the hand onely.-^ And
^ZZiy'7h^e' I am perfwaded that the Author of this Relation has feene
{land. ^^ ^^'^ ^^^y probable reafons that have induced him to be of that
opinion ; and I am the more willing to give credit thereunto,
becaufe I have obferved in them fo much as that comes to.

I have feene a Deare paffe by me upon a neck of Land,

and a Salvage that has purfued him by the view. I have

accompanied him in this purfuite ; and the Salvage, pricking

A Deare pur- the Dcarc, comcs where hee findes the view of two deares

viL) of the together, leading feveral wayes. One, hee was fure, was

-fotmd^^^and^ frcfh, but which (by the fence of feeing) hee could not judge ;

killed. therefore, with his knife, hee diggs up the earth of one ; and,

by fmelling, fayes, that was not of the frefh Deare : then

diggs hee up the other ; and viewing and fmelling to that,

concludes it to be the view of the frefh Deare, which hee

had purfued; and thereby followes the chafe, and

^49 killes that ^ Deare, and I did eate part of it with him :

fuch is their perfe6lion in thefe two fences.

Chapter XVI.

1 In reference to this paffage, Mr. affertions in queftion. In fa6l, as there
Francis Parkman writes : " I have were no Spaniards in Canada, and likely
fearched my memory in vain for any- to be none on French veffels going there,
thing in the early French writers an- Indians of thofe parts would hardly have
fwering to Morton's ftatement. I don't the opportunity of diftinguifhing be-
think that Cartier, Champlain, Biard, tween them by fmell or otherwife. In-
Lefcarbot or Le Jeune, the principal wri- deed, they did not know the exiftence of
ters before 1635, make the extraordinary fuch a nation."

New Englifh Canaan. 167

Chap. XVI.

Of their acknowledgment of the Creation, and immortality of

the Soule,

ALthough thefe Salvages are found to be without Reli-
gion, Law, and King (as Sir William Alexander hath
well obferved,-^) yet are they not altogether without the
knowledge of God (hiftorically) ; for they have it amongfl
them by tradition that God made one man and one woman,
and bad them live together and get children, kill deare,
beafts, birds, fifh and fowle, and what they would at their
pleafure ; and that their pofterity was full of evill, and made
God fo angry that hee let in the Sea upon them, and
drowned the greateft part of them, that were naughty men,
(the Lord dellroyed fo;) and they went to Sanaconquam, The beieefe of
who feeds upon them (pointing to the Center of the Earth, ^^^ ^""^^^s^'-
where they imagine is the habitation of the Devill : ) the
other, (which were not dellroyed,) increafed the world, and
when they died (becaufe they were good) went to the howfe
of Kytan, pointing to the fetting of the fonne ; ^ where they

eate

1 Supra., * 27, note. " I have not met with the name Sa7i-

2 " Kytan was an appellation of the aconqua7n elfewhere : at leaft I do not
greateft manito. The word fignifies remember feeing it except in Morton,
'greateft' or 'pre-eminent.' See my The derivation is apparently from a
note (p. 207) in Lechford's Plaine Deal- word meaning to prefs upon, to op-prefs,
ing (p. 120), where is mention of ' Ki- to crufti, or the like." (^Mamifcript Let-
tan, their good god.' Roger Williams terofJ.H. Trumbull, ]\xne 25, 1882.)
in a letter to Thomas Thorowgood, 1635, See, alfo, authorities referred io fu-
names ' their god Kuttand to the fouth- pra, p.140, note, and alfo Ellis's Red Man
weft' {Jewes in America, 1650, p. 6) and White Man,'p'<^.\'}^\-<^. Morellhas
but in his iT^j, he writes the name Cau- a paffage on the Indian's methods of
tantowit ( To the Reader, p. 24,) i. e., worftiip in his poem. (i. Mafs. Hiji,
Keihte-anito — 'greateft manito.' Coll.^ vol. i. p. 136.)

i68

New Englifh Canaan.

The Sonne
called Kytan,

eate all manner of dainties, and never take paines (as now)
to provide it.

Kytan makes provifion (they fay) and faves them that

laboure ; and there they fhall live with him forever,

"^ 50 * voyd of care.^ And they are perfwaded that Kytan

is hee that makes corne growe, trees growe, and all

manner of fruits.

And that wee that ufe the booke of Common prayer doo it
to declare to them, that cannot reade, what Kytan has com-
maunded us, and that wee doe pray to him with the helpe
of that booke ; ^ and doe make fo much accompt of it, that a

Salvage

^ Roger Williams fays : " They will
relate how they have it from their
Fathers, that Kantantowwit made one
man and woman of a Hone, which diflik-
ing, he broke them in pieces, and made
another man and woman of a tree, which
were the Fountaines of all mankind."
{Key., ch. xxi.)

" They believe that the foules of men
and women goe to the Sou-welt, their
great and good men and women to Can-
td.ntowwit his Houfe, where they have
hopes (as the Turks have) of carnal
Joyes : Murtherers, theeves and Lyers,
their fouls (fay they) wander reftleffe
abroad." {lb.)

Wood, enlarging on this, fays : " Yet
do they hold the immortality of the
never-dying foul, that it {hall paffe to the
South-weft Ely/mm., concerning which
their Indian faith jumps much with
the Turkijh AlchoraJt^ holding it to be
a kind of Paradife, wherein they fhall
everlaftingly abide, folacing themfelves
in odoriferous Gardens, fruitfull corn-
fields, green meadows, bathing their
hides in the coole ftreams of pleafant
Rivers, and fhelter themfelves from
heat and cold in the fumptuous Pallaces
framed by the Ikill of Natures curious

contrivement. Concluding that neither
care nor pain fhall moleft them but that
Natures bounty wil adminifter all things
with a voluntary contribution from the
overflowing ftorehoufe of their Elyfmn
Hofpital, at the portall whereof they
fay lies a great Dog, whofe churhfh
fnarlings deny a Pax intrantibus to un-
worthy intruders." {Profpe^l^ p. 79.)

Parkmanfays : " The primitive Indian
believed in the immortality of the foul,
but he did not always believe in a ftate
of future reward and punifhment."
{Jefuits in North America.^ p. Ixxx.)
Referring to a cafe in which one of the
Jefuits quoted an Indian as faying
" there was no future life," Parkman
adds : " It would be difHcult to find an-
other inftance of the kind."

The romantic view of the Indian on
this point was taken by Arnold, in his
Hijiory of Rhode I/land (vol. i. p. 78),
and the reahftic view by Palfrey, in his
New Eftgland (vol. i. p. 49); and,
though writing at the fame time, the
two feem to be controverting each other.
See Ellis's Red Man and White Man,
p. 115.

2 Supra, p. 93.

New Englifh Canaan. 169

Salvage (who had Hved in my howfe before hee had taken a

wife, by whome hee had children) made this requefl to mee,

(knowing that I allwayes ufed him with much more refpe6l

than others,) that I would let his fonne be brought up in my a Salvage de-

howfe, that hee might be taught to reade in that hooV<^\jhnJ''Z7ught

which requefl of his I granted; and hee was a very joyfull ^^^^^^^^''^^^^

of com-

man to thinke that his fonne fhould thereby (as hee faid) ^^^P^'^y^^-
become an Englifhman; and then hee would be a good
man.

I afked him who was a good man ; his anfwere was, hee
that would not lye, nor fleale.

Thefe, with them, are all the capitall crimes that can be

imagined ; all other are nothing in refped of thofe ; ^ and

hee that is free from thefe mufl live with Kytan

for ever, in all manner of

pleafure.

^Chap. XVII. ^51

Of their Annals and funerals.

Hefe people, that have by tradition fome touch of the Their cujio7n
immortality of the foule, have likewife a cuftome to ''^ ^''•'"^"

make

Roger V^ilhams, alfo, in a paffage and fpeaking untruth : and unto ftealing,

jufl quoted {fupra, i68, note), fpeaks efpeciaJly from the Englifh " (i. Mafs.

of the future punifhment fuppofed, Hi/i. Coll., vol. i. p. 149). Winflow

among the Xew England Indians, to be defcribes the fevere punifhments inflia-

allotted to thieves and liars. Joffelyn, ed for theft (Young's Chro7i. of Pilg.,

on the other hand, defcribes them as p. 364). Dodo;e, in his Wild Ijidians

''veryfingurativeortheevifh"(7w^P^j- (pp. 63-5), explains this difcrepancy in

ages, p. 12 s) -, and Gookin fays : "They the authorities. He fays: "All thefe

are naturally much addi6led to lying authors are both right and wrong. In

their

I70 New Englifk Canaan.

make fome monuments over the place where the corps is
interred : But they put a greate difference betwene perfons
of noble, and of ignoble, or obfcure, or inferior difcent. For
indeed, in the grave of the more noble they put a planck
in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon, and on each
Their manner fidc a plauckc, and a plauckc upon the top in forme of a
of Monuments. ^^^^^ \:^^{oxQ they covcr the place with earth. This done,
they ere6l fome thing over the grave in forme of a hearfe
cloath, as was that of Cheekatawbacks mother, which the
Plimmouth planters defaced becaufe they accounted it an aft
of fuperftition ; which did breede a brawle as hath bin before
related ; ^ for they hold impious and inhumane to deface the
monuments of the dead. They themfelves efteeme of it as
piaculum ; and have a cuflome amongft them to keepe their
annals and come at certaine times to lament and bewaile the
lolTe of their freind ; and ufe to black their faces, which they
At burriais, fo wcarc, inftcad of a mourning ornament, for a longer or
^flas. ^^ ^ ^^^ a fhorter time according to the dignity of the perfon : fo
is their annals kept and obferved with their accuftomed
folemnity. Afterwards they abfolutely abandon the place,
becaufe they fuppofe the fight thereof will but renew their

forrow.^

their own bands, Indians are perfeftly faculty is held in the highelt eftima-

honeft. ... It [theft] is the fole unpar- tion."

donable crime among Indians." He ^ The reference is to ch. iii. of the

then defcribes, hke Winflow, the fever- Third Booke {infra, *io6-8). This paf-

ityof the punifhmentsinfliaed for thefts; fage would feem to indicate that the

" but," he adds, " this wonderfully ex- third book of the New Canaan was writ-

ceptional honefty extends no further ten firft, and that the two other books

than to the members of his immediate were prepared fubfequently, probably in

band. To all outfide of it, the Indian imitation of Wood's Profpe^l. (See

is not only one of the moll arrant fupra, 78.)

thieves in the world, but this quality or 2 a yea, I faw with mine owne eyes

that

New Engli/h Canaan.

171

*It was a thing very offenfive to them, at our firft ^52
comming into thofe parts, to afke of them for any one
that had bin dead ; but of later times it is not lb offenfively
taken to renew the memory of any defeafed perfon, becaufe
by our example (which they are apt to followe) it is made
more familiare unto them ; and they marvell to fee no monu-
ments over our dead, and therefore thinke no great Sachem
is yet come into thofe parts, or not as yet deade ; becaufe
they fee the graves all alike.

Chapter XVIII.

that at my late comming forth of the Coun-
trey, the chiefe and moll aged peace-
able Father of the countrey, Caunouni-
cus, having buried his fonne, he burned
his owne Palace, and all his goods in it,
(amongft them to a great value) in a
follemne remembrance of his fonne, and
in a kind of humble Expiation to the
Gods, who, (as they believe) had taken
his fonne from him." (Wilhams's Key.,
ch. xxxii.) In the fame paffage Williams
fays : " Upon the Grave is fpread the Mat
that the party died on, the Difli he ate
in, and, fometimes, a faire Coat of Ikin
hung upon the next tree to the Grave,
which none will touch, but fuffer it there
to rot with the dead." See alfo Young's
Chron. ofPilg., pp. 142, 143, 154, 363 ;
Strachey's Hijlorie, p. 90.

" In times of general Mortality they
omit the Ceremonies of burying, expos-
ing their dead Carkafes to the Beafts of
prey. But at other times they dig a Pit
and fet the difeafed therein upon his
breech upright, and, throwing in the
earth, cover it with the fods and bind
them down with flicks, driving in two
flakes at each end ; their mournings
are fomewhat like the howlings of the
Irifh, feldom at the grave but in the
Wigwam where the party dyed, blaming
the Devil for his hard-heartednefs, and
concluding with rude prayers to him to
afflid them no further. ' ' (Joffelyn , Two
Voyages, p. 132.) There is a highly
chara6lerillic paffage to the fame eSe^
in Wood's Profpe^l^ p. 79.

172

New Englifk Canaan.

Chap. XVIII

The Salva-
ges fire the
Country
twice a yeare.

Of their Cujlome in burning the Country^ and the reafon

thereof

THe Salvages are accuflomed to fet fire of the Country
in all places where they come, and to burne it twize
a yeare, viz : at the Spring, and the fall of the leafe. The
reafon that mooves them to doe fo, is becaufe it would
other wife be fo overgrowne with underweedes that it would
be all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able
in any wife to paffe through the Country out of a beaten
path.

The meanes that they do it with, is with certaine minerall
ftones, that they carry about them in baggs made for that
purpofe of the fkinnes of Httle beafles, which they convert
into good lether, carrying in the fame a peece of
* 53 touch wood, very excellent *for that purpofe, of their
owne making.^ Thefe minerall ftones they have from
the Piquenteenes, (which is to the Southward of all the
plantations in New England,) by trade and trafficke with
thofe people.

The burning of the graffe deilroyes the underwoods, and
fo fcorcheth the elder trees that it fhrinkes them, and hin-
ders their grouth very much : fo that hee that will looke to
finde large trees and good tymber, muft not depend upon
the help of a woodden profpea to finde them on the upland

ground ;

1 Supra, 143.

New Englifk Canaan. 173

ground ; ^ but mull feeke for them, (as I and others have
done,) in the lower grounds, where the grounds are wett,
when the Country is fired, by reafon of the fnow water that
remaines there for a time, untill the Sunne by continuance
of that hath exhaled the vapoures of the earth, and dried up
thofe places where the fire, (by reafon of the moiflure,) can
have no power to doe them any hurt: and if he would
endevoure to finde out any goodly Cedars, hee mufl not
feeke for them on the higher grounds, but make his inqueft
for them in the vallies, for the Salvages, by this cuftome of
theirs, have fpoiled all the reft: for this cuftome hath bin
continued from the beginninge.

And leaft their firing of the Country in this manner
fhould be an occafion of damnifying us, and indaingering
our habitations, wee our felves have ufed carefully about the
fame times to obferve the winds, and fire the grounds about
our owne habitations ; to prevent the Dammage that might
happen by any negle6l thereof, if the fire fhould come neere
thofe howfes in our abfence.

* For, when the fire is once kindled, it dilates and ^ 54
fpreads it felfe as well againft, as with the winde;
burning continually night and day, untill a fhower of raine
falls to quench it.

And this cuftome of firing the Country is the meanes to
make it paffable ; and by that meanes the trees growe here
and there as in our parks : and makes the Country very
beautifull and commodious.

Chapter XIX.

^ The reference is to Wood's New the Indian cuftom of firing the country
England's Profpedi, p. 13 ; where, alfo, in November is defcribed.

174 New Englifh Canaan.

Chap. XIX.

Of their inclination to Drunkennejfe,

ALthough Drunkenneffe be juftly termed a vice which
the Salvages are ignorant of, yet the benefit is very
great that comes to the planters by the fale of ftrong liquor
to the Salvages, who are much taken with the delight of it ;
for they will pawne their wits, to purchafe the acquaintance
of it. Yet in al the commerce that I had with them, I never
proffered them any fuch thing ; nay, I would hardly let any
of them have a drame, unles hee were a Sachem, or a
Winnaytue, that is a rich man, or a man of eftimation next
in degree to a Sachem or Sagamore. I alwayes tould them
it was amongfl us the Sachems drinke. But they fay if I
come to the Northerne parts of the Country I fhall have no
trade, if I will not fupply them with lulty liquors : it is the
life of the trade in all thofe parts : for it fo happened that
thus a Salvage defperately killed himfelfe ; when hee was
drunke, a gunne being charged and the cock up, hee fets
the mouth to his brefl, and, putting back the tricker with his

foote, fhot himfelfe dead.^

Chapter XX.

1 Gookin fays: "This beaftly fin of evil and beaftly fin of drunkennefs."
drunkennefs could not be charged upon (i. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 151.)
the Indians before the Englifh and In regard to the pecuharities of In-
other Chriftian nations, as Dutch, dian drunkennefs, fee Dodge's Wild
French, and Spaniards, came to dwell Indians, pp. 333-5- ^^^^ '^. ^^^\^
in America: which nations, efpecially faid of the Indians of "the plains" is
the Englifh in New-England, have caufe probably true of all the northern Ameri-
to be greatly humbled before God, that can Indians. " This paffion for intoxi-
they have been, and are, inftrumental to cation amounts almofl to an infanity.
caufe thefe Indians to commit this great ... To drink liquor as a beverage,

for

New Englifh Canaan.

175

Chap. XX.

That the Salvages live a contended life.

A Gentleman and a traveller, that had bin in the parts
of New England for a time, when hee retorned againe,
in his difcourfe of the Country, wondered, (as hee faid,) that
the natives of the land lived fo poorely in fo rich a Country,
like to our Beggers in England. Surely that Gentleman
had not time or leafure whiles hee was there truely to
informe himfelfe of the flate of that Country, and the happy
life the Salvages would leade weare they once brought to
Chriftianity.

I muffc confeffe they want the ufe and benefit of Naviga- The salvages
tion, (which is the very finnus of a flourifhing Common- '^/naviga'tLi.
wealth,) yet are they fupplied with all manner of needefull
things for the maintenance of life and lifelyhood. Foode
and rayment are the cheif e of all that we make true ufe of ;
and of thefe they finde no want, but have, and may have,
them in a moft plentifull manner.^

for the gratification of tafle, or for the
fake of pleafurable conviviality, is fome-
thing of which the Indian can form no
conception. His idea of pleafure in
the ufe of Itrong drink is to get drunk,
and the quicker and more complete that
efFeft, the better he likes it."

^ "They live in a country where we
now have all the conveniences of human
life : but as for them^ their houfing is
nothing but a few mats tyed 2^^Qi\i\. poles
fattened in the earth, where a goodyfr^
is their bed-clothes in the coldeft fea-
fons; their clothins' is but a Ikin of

a beaft, covering their hind-parts, their
fore-parts having but a little apron,
where nature calls for fecrecy; their
diet has not a greater dainty than their
A^okehick, that is a fpoonful of their
parched meal, with a fpoonful of water,
which will ftrengthen them to travel a
day to-gether; except we lliould men-
tion the fleih of deers, bears, mofe^
rackoons, and the like, which they have
when they can catch them ; as alfo a
little fi/h, which, if they would pre-
fer ve, it was by drying, not hy fait i>ig;
for they had not a grain of fait in the

world.

176 New Englifh Canaan.

If our beggers of England fhould, with fo much eafe as
they, furnifh themfelves with foode at all feafons, there
would not be fo many llarved in the llreets, neither would
fo many gaoles be Huffed, or galloufes furnifhed with poore

wretches, as I have feene them.
* 56 ^ But they of this fort of our owne nation, that are fitt
to goe to this Canaan, are not able to tranfport them-
felves ; and mofl of them unwilling to goe from the good ale
tap, which is the very loadftone of the lande by which our
Englifli beggers ileere theire Courfe ; it is the Northpole
to which the flowre-de-luce of their compaffe points. The
more is the pitty that the Commonalty of oure Land are of
fuch leaden capacities as to negleft fo brave a Country, that
doth fo plentifully feede maine lufty and a brave, able men,
women and children, that have not the meanes that a Civil-
ized Nation hath to purchafe foode and rayment; which
that Country with a little induftry will yeeld a man in a
very comfortable meafure, without overmuch carking.

I cannot deny but a civilized Nation hath the prehemi-
nence of an uncivilized, by meanes of thofe inftruments that
are found to be common amongfl civile people, and the
uncivile want the ufe of, to make themfelves maflers of
thofe ornaments that make fuch a glorious fhew, that will
give a man occalion to cry, Jic tranjit gloria Mundi,

Now fmce it is but foode and rayment that men that live
needeth, (though not all alike,) why fhould not the Natives

world, I think, till we bellowed it on lin comments on the failure of the In-

them." Magnalia, B. iii. part iii. In dians to make any ufe of fait, even in

his Letters and Notes on the North localities where it abounds. St^/upra,

American Indians {Letter No. 17) Cat- 161.

New Englifh Canaan. 177

of New England be fayd to live richly, having no want of
either ? Cloaths are the badge of fmne ; and the more vari-
ety of fafhions is but the greater abufe of the Creature : the
beafts of the forreft there doe ferve to furnifh them at any
time when they pleafe : fifh and flefh they have in greate
abundance, which they both roall and boyle.

^ They are indeed not ferved in dilhes of plate with * 57
variety of Sauces to procure appetite ; that needs not
there. The rarity of the aire, begot by the medicinable
quality of the fweete herbes of the Country, alwayes pro-
cures good Homakes to the inhabitants.

I mufl needs commend them in this particular, that,
though they buy many commodities of our Nation, yet they
keepe but fewe, and thofe of fpeciall ufe.

They love not to bee cumbered with many utenfilles, and
although every proprietor knowes his owne, yet all things,
(fo long as they will lafl), are ufed in common amongft
them: A bifket cake given to one, that one breakes it
equally into fo many parts as there be perfons in his com-
pany, and diftributes it. Platoes Commonwealth is fo much
pra6i:ifed by thefe people.

According to humane reafon, guided onely by the light
of nature, thefe people leades the more happy and freer They leade a
life, being voyde of care, which torments the mindes of fo \%tg vfyd of
many Chriftians : They are not delighted in baubles, but ^^''^•
in ufefull things.

Their naturall drinke is of the Criftall fountaine, and
this they take up in their hands, by joyning them clofe to-
gether. They take up a great quantity at a time, and drinke
at the wrifls. It was the fight of fuch a feate which made

Diogenes

common.

178 New Englifh Canaan.

Diogenes hurle away his difhe, and, like one that would
have this principall confirmed, Natura paucis contentat, ufed

a difh no more.

* 58 * I have obferved that they will not be troubled with

fuperfluous commodities. Such things as they finde

they are taught by neceffity to make ufe of, they will make

choife of, and feeke to purchafe with induftry. So that, in

refpe6l that their life is fo voyd of care, and they are fo

loving alfo that they make ufe of thofe things they enjoy,

u/eZf^rdl (the wife onely excepted,) as common goods, and are therein

nary things, f^ compaffionatc that, rather than one fhould ftarve throu2:h

one of an- ^ ^

others as want, they would llarve all. Thus doe they paffe awaye the
time merrily, not regarding our pompe, (which they fee dayly
before their faces,) but are better content with their owne,
which fome men efleeme fo meanely of.

They may be rather accompted to live richly, wanting

nothing that is needefull ; and to be commended for leading

a contented life, the younger being ruled by the Elder, and

the Elder ruled by the Powahs, and the Powahs are ruled by

the Devill ; ^ and then you may imagin what good

rule is like to be amongfl

them.

FINIS,

1 The relations fuppofed to exill be- lifh people. « * Who governs the land ? '

tween the Indians and the devil have it was afked. ' Why, the King.' ' And

been referred to in a previous note, who governs the King?' 'Why, the

fupra, 150. It is, however, a fome- Duke of Buckingham.' 'Andwhogov-

what curious fad that the aboriginal erns the Duke ? ' ' Why, the Devil.' "

hierarchy, fuggefted in the text, had a (E^^^d^s, Stories from the State Papers,

few years before found its exad pohti- vol. ii. p. 117.)
cal counterpart in the talk of the Eng-

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,* ^9

NEW CANAAN.

The fecond Booke,

Containing a defcription of the bewty of the Coun-
try with her naturall indowements, both in
the Land and Sea; with the great Lake of
Erocoife.

C H AP . I.

The generall Survey of the Country.

N the Moneth of lune, Anno Salutis 1622,

it was my chaunce to arrive in the parts of New
England with 30. Servants, and provifion of all
forts fit for a plantation : and whiles our how^fes
were building, I did indeavour to take a furvey of the
* Country : The more I looked, the more I liked it.
And w^hen I had more ferioufly confidered of the bewty

A famous
Country.

doves.

1 80 New Englifh Canaan.

of the place, with all her faire indowments, I did not thinke

that in all the knowne world it could be paralel'd, for fo

many goodly groues of trees, dainty fine round riling hil-

Their foun- lucks, dclicatc fairc large plaines, fweete criftall fountaines,

Sr a7 ^^ 3-nd cleare running ftreames that twine in fine meanders

Crijiaii. through the meads, making fo fweete a murmering noife to

heare as would even lull the fences with delight a fleepe, fo

pleafantly doe they glide upon the pebble ftones, jetting

moft jocundly where they doe meete and hand in hand

runne downe to Neptunes Court, to pay the yearely tribute

which they owe to him as foveraigne Lord of all the fprings.

Greate jiore Contained within the volume of the Land, [are] Fowles in

andturtk- abundancc, Fifli in multitude ; and [I] difcovered, befides,

Millions of Turtledoves one the greene boughes, which fate

pecking of the full ripe pleafant grapes that were fupported

by the lufty trees, whofe fruitfull loade did caufe the armes to

bend : [among] which here and there difperfed, you might

fee Lillies and of the Daphnean-tree : which made the Land

to mee feeme paradice : for in mine eie t'was Natures Mafter-

peece ; Her cheifefl Magazine of all where lives her ftore : if

this Land be not rich, then is the whole world poore.

What I had refolved on, I have really performed ; and
I have endeavoured to ufe this abftraft as an inftrument, to
bee the meanes to communicate the knowledge which I
have gathered, by my many yeares refidence in thofe
* 61 parts, unto my Countrymen : * to the end that they
may the better perceive their error, who cannot imag-
ine that there is any Country in the univerfall world which
may be compared unto our native foyle. I will now dif-
cover unto them a Country whofe indowments are by learned

men

New Englifh Canaan. i8i

men allowed to Hand in a paralell with the Ifraelites Canaan,
which none will deny to be a land farre more excellent then
Old England, in her proper nature.

This I conlider I am bound in duety (as becommeth a
Chriftian man) to performe for the glory of God, in the firft
place ; next, (according to Cicero,) to acknowledge that, Non
nobis folum nati fumus, fed par tim p atria ^ par tint parentes^
partim amici vindicant}

For which caufe I mufl approove of the indeavoures of my
Country men, that have bin ftudious to inlarge the territories
of his Majeilies empire by planting Colonies in America.

And of all other, I muft applaude the judgement of thofe
that have made choife of this part, (whereof I now treat,)
being of all other moft abfolute, as I will make it appeare
hereafter by way of paralell. Among thofe that have fetled
themfelvs in new England, fome have gone for their con-
fcience fake, (as they profeffe,) and I wifh that they may plant
the Gofpel of lefus Chrifl, as becommeth them, fincerely
and without fatifme or faffion, whatfoever their former or
prefent praflifes are, which I intend not to juflifie : howfo-
ever, they have deferved (in mine opinion) fome commenda-
tiones, in that they have furnifhed the Country fo commodi-
oufiy in fo fhort a time ; although it hath bin but for their
owne profit, yet pofterity will tafle the fweetnes of it, and
that very fodainly.

^ And fmce my tafke, in this part of mine abftraft, is "^ 62

^ "Sed quoniam, (ut prasclare fcrip- parentes" are not in the original, but

turn eft a Platone) non nobis folum have been inferted by modern fcholars

nati fumus, ortufque noftri partem pa- as renderino: the quotation from Plato

tria, vindicat, partem amici." De Offi- more corredl.
ciis. Lib, i. § 7. The words " partem

1 82 New Englifh Canaan.

to intreat of the naturall indowments of the Country, I
will make a breife demonftration of them in order, fever-
ally, according to their feverall qualities : and fhew you what
they are, and what profitable ufe may be made of them by
induftry.

Chap. II.

What trees are there and how commodious}

I. Oake. /^ Akes are there of two forts, white and redd ; ^ excellent
Vy tymber for the building both of howfes and fhipping:
and they are found to be a tymber that is more tough then
the oak of England. They are excellent for pipe-ftaves, and
fuch like veffels ; and pipe-flaves at the Canary Hands are a
prime commodity. I have knowne them there at 35. p. the
1000,^ and will purchafe a fraight of wines there before any

commodity

^ In annotating this chapter I have was made in 1638, and his Hay in New

been indebted to Profeffors Afa Gray England covered a period of fifteen

and C. S. Sargent of Harvard Univer- months, July. i638,to06lober, 1639. His

fity for affiftance, they having fent me fecond vifit was in 1663, and lafted until

feveralof the more technical notes. This 1671. The: New England^ s Rarities w2ls

and the five following chapters of the publifhed in 1672, and the Two Voyages

New Canaan have a certain intereft as in 1674. Joffelyn's alone of thefe works

being among the earlieft memoranda on can make any pretence to a fcientific

the trees, animals, birds, fifh and geol- character or nomenclature, but the four

ogy of Maffachufetts. The only earlier taken together conftitute the whole body

publication of at all a fimilar chara6ter is of early New England natural hiftory

Wood's New England's Profpe&, which and geology. Only occafional reference

appeared in 1634, and contained the re- to this clafs of fubjedts is found in other

fult of obfervations made during the four writers.

years 1629 to 1633. Morton's acquaint- 2 ^\^q White Oake includes, no doubt,

ance with the country was earlier and Quercus alba and bicolor, and the Redd

longer than Wood's, but the New Ca- Oake, Quercus rubra, tin£loria and coc-

naan was not pubHfhed until three years cinea.

after the Profpe£l, which it followed ^ Edward WilHams, in his Virginia

clofely in its defcription of the country (iii. Force'' s TraSls, No. 11. p. 14), writ-

and its produ6ts. Joffelyn's firfl; voyage ten in 1650, fays; " Nor are Pipeftaves

and

New Englifh Canaan. 183

commodity in England, their onely wood being pine, of
which they are enforced alfo to build fhippinge ; of oackes
there is great abundance in the parts of New England, and
they may have a prime place in the Catalogue of com-
modities.

Alhe ^ there is ftore, and very good for ftaves, oares or 2. Ajhe.
pikes ; and may have a place in the fame Catalogue.

Elme : of this fort of trees there are fome ; but there hath 3- Eime.
not as yet bin found any quantity to fpeake of.

* Beech there is of two forts, redd and white ; ^ very * ^^i 4- ^^^'=^'
excellent for trenchers or chaires, and alfo for oares ;
and may be accompted for a commodity.

Wallnutt : of this forte of wood there is infinite flore, and 5. Wainutt.
there are 4 forts : ^ it is an excellent wood, for many ufes
approoved ; the younger trees are imployed for hoopes, and
are the befl for that imployement of all other fluffe what-
foever. The Nutts ferve when they fall to feede our fwine,
which make them the delicatefl bacon of all other foode :
and is therein a cheife commodity.

Cheflnutt : of this forte there is very greate plenty, the 6. chejinuts.
tymber whereof is excellent for building ; and is a very

good

and Clapboard a defpicable commodity, 2 j^. jg interefting to note that, at this

of which one man may with eafe make early day, two forms of our one fpecies

fifteen thoufand yearely, which in the of Beech were diftinguifhed by the color

countrey itfelfe are fold for 4 1. in the Ca- of the wood, a diftin6lion which has often

naries for twenty pound the thoufand, been adopted by Botanifts and is ftill

and by this means the labour of one confidered by mechanics and woodf-

man will yeeld him 60 1. per annum^ at men.

the loweft Market." ^ This refers, no doubt, to our diiFer-

1 Probably Fraxinus Americana^ al- ent fpecies of Hickory, although the

though two other fpecies of Afh are Butternut {JiiglaJis cinerea) is common

common in Maffachufetts, the Red and in Maffachufetts.
the Black Afh {F. pubefcetis zndfambu-
cifolid).

184 New Englifh Canaan.

good commodity, efpecially in refpeft of the fruit, both for
man and beafl.

7. Fine. Pine : of this forte there is infinite ftore in fome parts of

the Country.-^ I have travelled 10. miles together where is
little or no other wood growing? And of thefe may be made
rofin, pitch and tarre, which are fuch ufefull commodities
that if wee had them not from other Countries in Amity with
England, our Navigation would decline. Then how great
the commodity of it will be to our Nation, to have it of our
owne, let any man judge.

8. Cedar. Ccdar : ^ of this forte there is abundaunce ; and this wood

was fuch as Salomon ufed for the building of that glorious
Temple at Hierufalem ; and there are of thefe Cedars, firre
trees and other materialls neceffary for the building of many
faire Temples,^ if there were any Salomons to be at the Cofl

of them : and if any man be defirous to finde out in
* 64 what part of the "^ Country the befl Cedars are, he

muft get into the bottom grounds, and in vallies that

are wet at the fpring of the yeare, where the moifture pre-

ferves them from the fire jn fpring time, and not in a woodden

profpefl.^ This wood cutts red, and is good for bedfteads,

tables and chefts ; and may be placed in the Catalogue of

Commodities. ^

Cypres :

1 Both the White and the Pitch Pine ^ This is clearly a contemptuous ref-
{Pinusjlrobus^ and rigida) are probably erence to Wood, who in his Profpe^ (p.
referred to. 15) had faid, " The Cedar tree is a

2 " For I have feene of thefe ftately tree of no great growth, not bearing
high growne trees, ten miles together above a foote and a halfe fquare at the
clofe by the River fide, from whence by moll, neither is it very high. I fuppofe
fhipping they might be conveyed to any they be much inferiour to the Cedars of
defired Port." (Wood's New England's Lebenon^ fo much commended in holy
Profpe^l, p. 15.) writ."

3 The Red Cedar {Juniperus virgi- ^ Supra ^ 173.
nia) .

New Englifh Canaan. 185

Cypres : ^ of this there is great plenty ; and vulgarly this 9- Cypres.
tree hath bin taken for another fort of Cedar ; but workemen
put a difference betweene this Cypres, and the Cedar, efpe-
cially in the colour ; for this is white and that redd white :
and likewife in the finenes of the leafe and the fmoothnes
of the barque. This wood is alfo fweeter then Cedar, and,
(as it is in Garrets ^ herball,) a more bewtif ull tree ; it is of all
other, to my minde, moft bewtifull, and cannot be denied to
paffe for a commodity.

Spruce ^ : of thefe there are infinite llore, efpecially in the lo. spruce.
Northerne parts of the Country; and they have bin ap-
prooved by workemen in England to be more tough then
thofe that they have out of the eait country : from whence
wee have them for mafts and yards of fhippes.

The Spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. The spnue
fadum about : and are reputed able, fmgle, to make mafts try are found
for the biggefl fhip that fayles on the maine Ocean, without ^^jtw ^ ^
peeling ; which is more than the Eaft country can afford.* '^'^''^^'^*
And feeing that Navigation is the very fmneus of a flourifh-
ing Commonwealth, it is fitting to allow the Spruce tree a
principall place in the Catalogue of commodities.

Alder :

1 The White Cedar {Chajnaecyparis Yards : It is generally conceived by
thyoides) ; or perhaps Arbor - Vitse thofe that have Ikill in Building of Ships,
{Thuja occidentalis), which is the that here is abfolutely the beil Trees in
"more bewtifull tree." the World, many of them being three

2 A mifprint for Gerard, whofe Herb- Fathom about, and of great length."
all, or Generall Hijlorie of Plants, was (Joffelyn, Rarities, p. 63.) " At Pafcat-
publifhed in 1597, and Johnfon's edition away there is now a Spruce-tree brought
of it in 1633. down to the water-fide by our MalT-men

2 This probably includes both the of an incredible bignefs, and fo long that

Black Spruce {Picea nigra) and the no Skipper durft ever yet adventure to

Hemlock {Truga canadenfis). fhip it, but there it lyes and Rots."

^ " Spruce is a goodly Tree, of which {Two Voyages^ p. 67.)
they make Mafts for Ships, and Sail

i86

New Englifh Canaan.

11. Alder.

12. Birch.

13. Maple.

14. Elderne.

15. Haw-
thorne.

16. Vines.

^65 * Alder : of this forte there is plenty by rivers fides,
good for turners.

Birch : of this there is plenty in divers parts of the Coun-
try. Of the barck of thefe the Salvages of the Northerne
parts make them delicate Canowes, fo light that two men
will tranfport one of them over Land whither ^ they lift ; and
yet one of them will tranfporte tenne or twelffe Salvages by
water at a time.

Mayple : ^ of thofe trees there is greate abundance ; and
thefe are very excellent for bowles. The Indians ufe of it
to that purpofe ; and is to be accompted a good com-
modity.

Elderne:^ there is plenty in that Country; of this the
Salvages make their Arrowes, and it hath no ftrong unfa very
fent like our Eldern in England.

Hawthorne : of this there is two forts, one of which beares
a well tafting berry as bigg as ones thumbe, and lookes like
little Queene apples.

Vines : of this kinde of trees there are that beare grapes
of three colours : that is to fay, white, black and red.*

The Country is fo apt for vines, that, but for the fire at
the fpring of the yeare, the vines would fo over fpreade the
land that one fhould not be able to paffe for them ; ^ the fruit
is as bigg, of fome, as a mufket bullet, and is excellent in

tafte.

Plumtrees

^ [whether.] SQ.tfupra, in, note i.

2 Probably the Sugar, Red and White
Maples are intended : Acer facchari-
num., rubrum and dafycarpum. It is
fingular that no reference to the manu-
facture of maple fugar by the Indians
occurs.

3 (Elder) Sambucus Canaden/cs.

4 Wood {Pro/pea, p. 15) fays, "Two
forts, Red and White." None of our
native Grape vines bear White grapes.

^ Supra, 173.

New Englifh Canaan. 187

Plumtrees : ^ of this kinde there are many ; fome that beare 17. Piummes.
fruit as bigg as our ordinary bullis : others there be that doe
beare fruite much bigger than peare piummes ; their colour
redd, and their flones flat ; very deiitious in talte.

^ Cheritrees there are abundance ; but the fruit is as * 66 18. cherries.
fmall as our floes'; but if any of them were replanted
and grafted, in an orchard, they would foone be raifed by
meanes of fuch ; and the like fruits.

There is greate abundance of Mufke Rofes in divers places : 19. Ro/es.
the water diflilled excelleth our Rofewater of England.

There is abundance of Saffafras ^ and Sarfaperilla,^ grow- 20. Sajfafras
ing in divers places of the land ; whofe budds at the fpring 21. sar/a-
doe perfume the aire. peniia.

Other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited
in this abflra6t, as goofe berries, rafl^eries, and other beries.

There is Hempe* that naturally groweth, finer then our
Hempe of England.

Chapter III.

1 Perhaps our little Beach plum {P. Thomas Wiggin, alfo, in writing of
maritima) is intended. The wild Amer- New England in November, 1632, fays :
ican Plum-tree is probably not a native "As good hempe and fflax as in any
of Maffachufetts, although it was early parte of the world, growes there natu-
cultivated by the aborigines and fettlers. rally." (iii. Mafs. Hiji. Coll., vol. viii.

2 {Sajfafras officinale?) p. 322.) Hemp, however, is not native
^ The Ginfeng (A raliaqm7ig'uefolza), to New England or America. That

or the Wild Sarfaparilla {Aralia nudi- fpoken of muft have been grown from

caulis). feed brought over by the colonifls.

^ In Chapter IX. of this Book {infra., Morton may have feen it growing in

*94) Morton again refers to the growth garden foil at Plymouth and WelTaguf-

of hemp in New England, as evidence fet, but that any field of it ever reached

of the fertility of the foil. He declares a height of ten or ten and a half feet

" that it fhewteth up to be tenne foote in eaftern Maffachufetts is very quef-

high and tenne foote and a halfe." tionable.

i88

New Englifh Canaan.

Potmario-

ram, Tyme,

Alexander^

Angdllica,

Purjland,

Violets,

and Amiifeeds.

Hunnifuckles
and Balme.

Chap. III.

Potthearbes and other herbes for Sallets,

THe Country there naturally affordeth very good pot-
herbes and fallet herbes, and thofe of a more mafkuline
vertue then any of the fame fpecies in England ; as Potmar-
ioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Puriland, Violets, and
Annifeeds, in very great abundance : and for the pott I
gathered in fummer, dried and crumbled into a bagg to

preferve for winter ftore.
^ 6j * Hunnifuckles, balme, and divers other good herbes

are there, that grow without the indullry of man, that
are ufed when occafion ferveth very commodioufly.^

Chapter IV.

1 Profeffor Gray of Harvard Univer-
fity has furnifhed me the following note
on this chapter : —

" Unhke Joffelyn, the author evidently
was not an herbahft, and wrote at ran-
dom. His pot-marjoram, thyme and
balm, though not to be fpecifically iden-
tified, and none of them of the fame
fpecies as in England, muft be repre-
fented by our American pennyroyal
{Hedeoma pulegioides^, a native mint
{Mentha borealis)^ wild bafil {Pycnan-
themutn), and a fpecies of Monarda,
fometimes called balm, all fweet herbs
of the New England coaft. Alexander
is hardly to be gueffed. Angelica as a
genus occurs here, but not the officinal
fpecies. Wild farfaparilla {Aralia nu-
dicaulis) was probably in view. Purf-
lane is interefting in this conne6lion,
adding as it does to the probability that
this plant was in the country before the

fettlement. There are no Annifeeds in
New England, and it is impoffible to
guefs what the author meant. It was
probably a random flatement founded
on nothing in particular. The Honey-
fuckles were doubtlefs the two fpecies
of Azalea to which the name is Itill
applied." Wood alfo fays {Profpe6l^ pp.
11,12), "There is likewife growing all
manner of Hearbes for meate and medi-
cine, and not only in planted Gardens,
but in the woods, without either the art or
helpe of man, as fweete Marjoram, Purfe-
lane, Sorrell, Peneriall, Yarrow, Myrtle,
Saxifarilla, Bayes, &c." See alfo Mr.
Tuckerman's introdu6lory matter and
notes, in his edition of New England^s
Rarities [1865], and ProfelTor Gray's
chapter (vol. i. ch. ii.) on the Flora of
Bofton and vicinity, and the changes it
has undergone, in the Me7norial Hijiory
of Bfljion.

New Englifh Canaan. 189

Chap. IV.

Of Birds, and f ether ed fowles}

NOw that I have breifly fhewed the Commodity of the
trees, herbes, and fruits, I will fhew you a defcrip-
tion of the fowles of the aire ; as moil proper in ordinary
courfe.

And firft of the Swanne,^ becaufe fhee is the biggefl of all swannes.
the fowles of that Country. There are of them in Merri-
mack River, and in other parts of the country, greate itore
at the feafons of the yeare.

The flefh is not much defired of the inhabitants, but the
fkinnes may be accompted a commodity fitt for divers ufes,
both for fethers and quiles.

There are Geefe of three forts, vize : brant Geefe^ which Gee/e,pide,
are pide, and white Geefe ^ which are bigger, and gray Geefe ^ J^^^!' ^"
which are as bigg and bigger then the tame Geefe of Eng-
land,

^ For the greater part of the notes to likewife many Swannes which frequent

this chapter, and for all thofe of a tech- the frefh ponds and rivers, feldome con-

nical chara6ler, I am indebted to Mr. forting themfelves with Duckes and

William Brewfter, of Cambridge. To Geefe ; thefe be very o;ood meate, the

his notes I have added a few references price of one is fix Shillings." In his

to, and extra6ts from, other early works enumeration of birds of New England,

more or lefs contemporaneous with the Toffelyn {Two Voyages, p. loo) men-

New Canaan. tions '■'' Hookers or W\\(l-Siva7is.'''' This

2 Probably the Whifthng Swan {Cyg- bird is not included in Peabody's Report
nus Americanus), now a rare vifitor to on the Ornithol. of Majfachiifetts {\Z'},()).
New England. Wood, alfo, in his poet- ^ The Brant (Bernicla brenta), com-
ical enumeration of birds and fowls mon at the prefent day.
{FrofpeSl, p. 23), fpeaks of * The Snow Goofe {An/er hyperbore-
" The Silver Swan that tunes her mournfull ^^)' now rare in New England, although

breath, common throughout the Weft.

To fmg the dirge of her approaching death." ^ The Canada Goofe {Bernicla Cana-

Further on (p. 26) he fays, " There be ^^^^M-

190 New Englifh Canaan.

land, with black legges, black bills, heads and necks black ;

the flefh farre more excellent then the Geefe of England,

wild or tame ; yet the purity of the aire is fuch that the

biggeft is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple

of men. There is of them great abundance. I have had

often 1000. before the mouth of my gunne. I never

^ 68 faw any in ^ England, for my part, fo fatt as I have

killed there in thofe parts ; the fethers of them makes

a bedd fofter then any down bed that I have lyen on, and is

Fethers pay thcrc a vcry good commodity ; the fethers of the Geefe, that

iZd^J^tT'' I have killed in a fhort time, have paid for all the powther

and ihott I have fpent in a yeare, and I have fed my doggs

with as fatt Geefe there as I have euer fed upon my felfe

in England.

Ducks pide, Ducks there are of three kindes, pide Ducks, gray Ducks,

gray, &> black. ^^^ black Ducks in greate abundance: the mofl about my

habitation were black Ducks : -^ and it was a noted Cullome

at my howfe, to have every mans Duck upon a trencher;

and then you will thinke a man was not hardly ufed : they

are bigger boddied then the tame Ducks of England : very

fatt and dainty flefli.

The common doggs fees were the gibletts, unleffe they
were boyled now and than for to make broath.
Teaies, greene Tcalcs there are of two forts, greene winged, and blew
winged : ^ but a dainty bird. I have bin much delighted with

1 The Black Duck {Anas obfcura), wholly extinft ; the Gray Duck is prob-

ftill abundant. The identity of the other ably the Pintail {Dafila acuta).

two is doubtful ; the Pide Duck may ^ The Green-winged Teal {Querque-

have been the Pied or Labrador Duck dtila CaroUnenfis) and the Blue-winged

{Ca?nptolcBinus Labradoriiis), a fpecies Teal {Querquedula difcors), both noted

formerly common but now nearly if not for the delicacy of their flefh.

New Englifh Canaan.

191

a roil of thefe for a fecond courfe. I had plenty in the
rivers and ponds about my howfe.

Widggens ^ there are, and abundance of other water foule, widggens.
fome fuch as I have feene, and [fome] fuch as I have not
feene elfe where before I came into thofe parts, which are
little regarded.

Simpes^ there are Kke our Simpes in all refpeds, with simpes.
very litle difference. I have fhot at them onely to fee what
difference I could finde betweene them and thofe of my
native Country, and more I did not regard them.

* Sanderlings ^ are a dainty bird, more full boddied * 69 Sanderiings.
than a Snipe ; and I was much delighted to feede on
them becaufe they were fatt and eafie to come by, becaufe
I went but a flepp or to for them : and I have killed be-
tweene foure and five dozen at a fhoot, which would loade
me home. ^j^^j^

1 Probably the American Widgeon, or
Baldpate {Mareca Americana). The
name Widgeon is fometimes applied
to other fpecies, however.

2 Probably fome fpecies of web-footed
bird, but exaftly what is not clear. Mr.
Merriam, in his Review of the Birds of
Conne^icut (pp. 104-5), identifies Mor-
ton's Simpe as the American Wood-
cock {Philohela minor), but in this he
is doubtlefs in error. In the firft place,
it is not likely that a keen fportfman
like Morton would have fhot woodcock
merely out of curiofity, and " more did
not regard them ; " in the fecond place,
Joffelyn, in enumerating the different
forts of ducks, fpeaks of " Widgeons,
Simps, Teal, Blew wing'd and green
wing'd." {Two Voyages, p. loi.) But
for the reference in the next paragraph
in the text, and the difparaging manner

in which the bird in queflion is alluded
to, it would be inferred that Simpes was
a natural mifprint for Snipes. That,
however, is clearly not the cafe.

2 The Sanderling {Calidris arenarid),
a common Sandpiper, peculiar in lacking
the ufual hind toe. The context indi-
cates that other fhore birds were included
under this name. " There are httle Birds
that frequent the Sea-fhore in flocks
called Sanderlins, they are about the
bignefs of a Sparrow, and in the fall of
the leaf will be all fat ; when I was firfl
in the Countrie the EnglifJi cut them
into fmall pieces to put into their Pud-
dings inftead of fuet. I have known
twelve fcore and above kill'd at two
fhots." (JolTelyn's Two Voyages, p. 102.)
To precifely the fame effe6t Wood fays
{Profpe6l, p. 27), " I myfelfe have killed
twelve fcore at two fliootes."

192 New Englifh Canaan.

Their foode is at ebbing water on the fands, of fmall feeds
that grows on weeds there, and are very good paflime in
Auguft.
Cranes. Cranes ^ there are greate ftore, that ever more came there

at S. Davids day, and not before : that day they never would
miffe.

Thefe fometimes eate our corne, and doe pay for their pre-
fumption well enough ; and ferveth there in powther, with
turnips, to fupply the place of powthered beefe, and is a
goodly bird in a difhe, and no difcommodity.
Turkies. Turkics ^ there are, which divers times in great flocks have

fallied by our doores ; and then a gunne, being commonly
in a redineffe, falutes them with fuch a courtefie, as makes
them take a turne in the Cooke roome. They daunce by
the doore fo well.

Of thefe there hath bin killed that have weighed forty
eight pound a peece.^ ^,

^ Neither the Whooping Crane {Grus yoke range, where fome are taken every

^;/2^r/(;(2;zrt!)northe Sandhill Crane (G^rz^i" year." Its total extinftion probably

pratenfis) is now found in New Eng- occurred only a few years later
land. The latter is probably the fpecies ^ Probably an exaggeration, although

referred, to here. Our large Heron Audubon mentions one that weighed

{Ardea herodias) is often called Crane thirty-fix pounds ; the ordinary weight

by country people, but it does not eat of the full-grown male is from fifteen to

corn, and " in a difhe " would hardly be twenty pounds, a gobbler weighing twen-

confidered ''a goodly bird." ty-five pounds being an unufually large

2 The Wild Turkey (J/^/<?^^r2>^^//2- bird. Yet Morton's ftatement is fully
pavo A7nericand) is mentioned by all the borne out by other contemporary author-
early writers as an abundant bird ; but ities. Wood fays, " The Turky is a very
it difappeared almoft as rapidly as the large bird, of a blacke colour, yet white
Indians, before the encroachment of the in flefii ; much bigger then our EngUfh
white fettlers. Peabody, writing in 1839 Turky. He hath the ufe of his long legs
(^Report on the FiJ/tes, Reptiles, and fo ready, that he can runne as faft as a
Birds of Majjfachufetts, p. 352), fays : Dogge, and flye as well as a Goofe : of
"It is ftill found occafionally in our thefe fometimes there will be forty, three-
wellern mountains, and alfo on the Hoi- fcore and an hundred of a flocke, fome-
times

New Englifh Canaan,

193

They are by mainy degrees fweeter then the tame Tur-
kies of England, feede them how you can.

I had a Salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning,
and they have brought home their loades about noone.

* I have afked them what number they found in the ^ 70
woods, who have anfwered Neent Metawna,^ which is
a thofand that day ; the plenty of them is fuch in thofe parts.
They are ealily killed at roofte, becaufe, the one being killed,
the other fit fafl nevertheleffe ; and this is no bad com-
modity.

There are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called pheifanu.

Pheifants,

times more and fometimes leffe ; their
feeding is Acorns, Hawes, and Berries,
fome of them get a haunt to frequent our
Englijh corne : In Winter when the
Snow covers the ground, they refort to
the Sea-fhore to looke for Shrimps, and
fuch fmall fifhes at low tides. Such as
love Turkic hunting mull follow it in
Winter after a new falne Snow, when he
may follow them by their tra6ls ; fome
have killed ten or a dozen in halfe a
day ; if they can be found towards an
evening, and watched where they peirch,
if one came about ten or eleaven of the
clocke, he may (hoote as often as he
will, they will fit, unleffe they be flen-
derly wounded. Thefe Turkies remain
all the yeare long. The price of a good
Turkic cocke is foure fliillings : and he
is well worth it, for he may be in weight
forty pound ; a Hen two {hillings."
{^New England's Profped^ p. 24.) So
alfo Joffelyn : " I have heard feveral cred-
ible perfons affirm, they have feen Tur-
kie Cocks that have weighed forty, yea
fixty pounds ; but out of my perfonal
experimental knowledge I can affure
you, that I have eaten my fhare of a
Turkic Cock^ that when he was puU'd

and garbidg'd, weighed thirty pound."
He adds, however, that even then [1670]
" the Engli/h and the Indians having
now deftroyed the breed, fo that 'tis very
rare to meet with a wild Turkic in the
Woods." {New England's Rarities^
p. 9.) See alfo Two Voyages^ p. 99,
where the fame writer fays : " If you
would preferve the young Chickens alive,
you muft give them no water, for if they
come to have their fill of water, they
will drop away ftrangely, and you will
never be able to rear any of them." John
Clayton, in his Letter to the Royal So-
ciety [1688], fays of Virginia: "There
be wild Turkies extream large ; they
talk of Turkies that have been kilPd,
that have weigh'd betwixt 50 and 60
Pound weight ; the largeft that ever I
faw, weigh'd fomething better than 38
Pound." (ill. Force's Tra6ls, No. 12,
p. 30.) Williams, in his Virginia{\6^o\
fpeaks of " infinites of wilde Turkeyes,
which have been knowne to weigh fifty
pound weight, ordinarily forty." (iii.
Force's Trails, No. 11, p. 12.) See alfo
Strachey's Hijiorie, p. 125 ; Young's
Chron. of Mafs., p. 253.
^ In regard to this expreffion Mr.
Trumbull,

194 New Englifh Canaan.

Partridges
bigger in bo-
dy as thofe of
England.

Quailes big-
ger in body
as thofe in
England.

Pheifants,^ but whether they be pheyfants or no, I will not
take upon mee to determine. They are in forme like our
pheifant henne of England. Both the male and the female
are alike ; but they are rough footed, and have ftareing feth-
ers about the head and neck ; the body is as bigg as the
pheyfant henne of England ; and are excellent white flefh,
and delicate white meate, yet we feldome beflowe a Ihoote at
them.

Partridges^ there are, much like our Partridges of Eng-
land ; they are of the fame plumes, but bigger in body.
They have not the figne of the horfefhoe on the breft, as the
Partridges of England; nor are they coloured about the
heads as thofe are. They fit on the trees, for I have feene
40. in one tree at a time : yet at night they fall on the
ground, and fit untill morning fo together ; and are dainty
flefh.

There are quailes^ alfo, but bigger then the quailes in
England. They take trees alfo : for I have numbered 60.

upon

Trumbull writes: '•^ Metawna is mit-
tannug (R. Williams), muttannunk
(Eliot), — Englifhed by ' a thoufand ; '
but to the Indians lefs definite, ' a great
many,' more than he could count.
Neent is poffibly a mifprint for 7tecut
(nequt, Ehot), ' one,' — but, morehkely,
ftands for ' I have,' or its equivalent,
'there is to me.' Roger Williams
(p. 164) puts the numeral firft, ntiees-
nnednna, ' I have killed two,' — fhwin-
nednna^ [' I have killed] three,' " &c.

1 The Pheafant of Morton and other
early writers has been fuppofed by or-
nithologifts to be the Prairie Hen or
Pinnated Groufe {Cupidonia cupido), a
fpecies which, however, has dark not
" white flefh," — " formerly . . . fo com-

mon on the ancient bufky fite of the city
of Bolton, that laboring people or fer-
vants flipulated with their employers,
not to have the Heath-Hen brought to
table oftener then a few times in the
week." (Nuttall's Ornithology., vol. i.
p. 800.) There is good evidence that
this bird once ranged over a large part
of Southern New England ; it is ftill
found on Martha's Vineyard, where it
is carefully prote(?ted and is not uncom-
mon. Elfewhere it does not now occur
much to the ealtward of IlHnois.

2 The Ruffed Groufe (JBonafa um-
belld).

3 The American Partridge, Quail, or
Bob White {Ortyx Virginiand).

New Englifh Canaan. 195

upon a tree at a time. The cocks doe call at the time of the
yeare, but with a different note from the cock quailes of
England.

The Larkes ^ there are like our Larkes of England in all The Zarkes
refpefts : fauing that they do not ufe to fmg at all. Mgmt.

* There are Owles of divers kindes: but I did * 71 Owies.
never heare any of them whop as ours doe.

There are Crowes,^ kights and rooks that doe differ in The Crmves
fome refpefts from thofe of England. The Crowes, which I o/M^ke'm
have much admired what fhould be the caufe, both fmell -^Zthtw^nfer.
and tafle of Mufke in fummer, but not in winter.

There are Hawkes in New England of 5. forts ;^ and thefe Hawkesof
of all other fether fowles I mufl not omitt to fpeake of, nor ''^ '^^'
neede I to make any Apology for my felfe concerning any
trefpaffe that I am like to make upon my judgement, con-
cerning the nature of them, having bin bred in fo genious
a way that I had the common ufe of them in England : and
at my firft arrivall in thofe parts praftifed to take a Y.'dcci- a Lannaret.

naret,

1 Of doubtful application. Our Horned bly referring to the Swallow-tailed Kite
Lark {Eremophila alpejlris) is the near- {Nauclertis furcatus), now a rare ftrag-
eft North American ally of the Englifh gler from the South, but formerly, as
Skylark, but it is fo differently colored fome ornithologifts believe, of regular
that Morton probably had in mind fome occurrence in New England.

other fpecies, perhaps the Titlark (^An- ^ The defcriptions given for thefe

thus ludovicianus). Hawks are too vague to be of much ufe

2 Three fpecies of Crows are found in in determining fpecies. A clew is often
New England : the Raven {Corvus car- furnifhed by familiar terms of falconry,
nivorus), now confined to the northern which, we may affume, would be natu-
parts of Maine, New Hampfhire, and rally applied to American reprefenta-
Vermont ; the Common Crow {Corvus tives of Old World forms. Morton,
Americanus^ ; and the Fifh Crow {Cor- however, ufes thefe terms very loofely,
■z/^/i- i7/;7(/r^^z^j), which occafionally wan- or, perhaps, with a regard to fine dif-
ders to Maffachufetts from its true home tinflions of meaning not now under-
in the Middle and Southern States, ftood. In fuch a cafe nothing can be
The latter may have been the Rook, done beyond pointing out their accepted
"Kight " is a dubious appellation, poffi- fignificance and probable application.

196 New Englifk Canaan.

naret,^ which I reclaimed, trained and made flying in a fort-
night, the fame being a paffinger at Michuelmas. I found
that thefe are moft excellent Mettell, rank winged, well con-
ditioned, and not tickleifli footed ; and, having whoods, bels,
luers, and all things fitting, was defirous to make experi-
ment of that kinde of Hawke before any other.

And I am perfwaded that Nature hath ordained them to
be of a farre better kinde then any that have bin ufed in
England.^ They have neither dorre^ nor worm to feed upon,
(as in other parts of the world,) the Country affording none ;
the ufe whereof in other parts makes the Lannars there
more buffardly* then they be in New England.
Fawcons. There are like wife Fawcons^ and taffell gentles,^ ad-

* 72 mirable well fhaped birds ; and they will tower up ^
when they purpofe to pray, and, on a fodaine when
they effpie their game, they will make fuch a cancellere
that one would admire to behold them. Some there are
more black then any that have bin ufed in England.

^ The male of Falco lanarms, a Fal- prefented to his Majefty on Saturday

con found in the fouthern and fouth- next, by the Lords of thofe Provinces,

eaftern parts of Europe, as well as in And the faid Captain to be recommend-

Weftern Afia and the adjoining portions ed to his Majeftys fervice upon occa-

of Africa. An American variety, the fion of employments for his care and

Prairie Falcon {Falco linai^ius polya- induftry ufed to bring them over, and

grus)^ has a wide range in the Weft, but for other his fervices done in thofe

is not known to have occurred to the parts."
eaftward of Illinois. The bird referred ^ -phe Cockchafer,
to by Morton is doubtlefs the Duck ^ /. <?., hke the Buzzard-Hawks of the

Hawk {Falco peregrinus), an allied fpe- genus Buteo^ a fluggifh tribe of Raptor es.
cies not uncommon in New England. ^ Properly of general application to

2 In the records of the Council for the genus /7?/c<?y if ufed fpecifically here

New England, under date of the 26th of there is no clew to its precife meaning.
November, 1635, or about the time that ® Ufually written tercel^ and fome-

Morton was writing the New Canaan^ times tiercel or tiercel. The male of

is the following entry : " The Hawks any hawk, fo termed becaufe he is a

brought over by Capt. Smart are to be third fmaller than the female, or, as fome

have

New Englifh Canaan. 197

The Taffell gent, (but of the leail fize,^) is an ornament
for a perfon of eltimation among the Indians to weare in the
knot of his lock, wijth the traine upright, the body dried and
ftretched out. They take a great pride in the wearing of
fuch an ornament, and give to one of us, that fhall kill them
one for that purpofe, fo much beaver as is worth three
pounds fterling, very willingly.

Thefe doe us but little trefpas, becaufe they pray on fuch
birds as are by the Sea fide, and not on our Chickens. Gof-
hawkes there are, and Taffels.

The Taffels are fhort truffed buffards ;^ but the Gofhawkes^ Go/hawkes
are well fliaped, but they are fmall ; fome of white male, ^^ -^^-^^ '
and fome redd male, I have feene one with 8. barres in the
traine. Thefe fall on our bigger poultry: the leffer chicken,
I thinke they fcorne to make their pray of ; for commonly
the Cocke goes to wrack. Of thefe I have feene many;
and if they come to trefpaffe me, I lay the law to them with
the gunne, and take them dammage fefant.

There

have thought, becaufe it was beh'eved reprefented in New England by three

that every third bird hatched was a fpecies, Buteo borealis, B. lineatus and

male. The name, as ufed in falconry, B. Pennfylvanicus.
almoft always refers to the male Gof- ^ jf Morton always ufes tajfel in its

hawk {AJiur palumbarius)^ while with commonly accepted fenfe (fee preced-

the addition of gentil^ or gentle^ it ing notes), another application muft be

indicated the fernale or young of this fought for the prefent name. The ac-

fpecies. The bird alluded to here is companying text may relate to the Marfli

probably the American Gofhawk {AJlur Hawk {Circus cyaneus Hudfoimis). the

atricapillus). ^ adult male of which is our whiteft New

1 The American Sparrow Hawk {Falco England Hawk, and the youno^ or female
fparverius), a fmall and richly colored perhaps the reddeft. The Marlli Hawk
Falcon, would be likely to be ufed for does not prey on full-grown poultr3% but
fuch a purpofe.^ it may have been credited with depre-

2 If not applied to the male Golhawk dations committed by other fpecies. a
(fee note on " taifel gentles "), perhaps piece of injuftice by no means uncom-
referring to Hawks of the genus Buteo^ mon at the prefent day.

198

New Engli/k Canaan.

Marlins
/mall and
greate.

Sparhawkes.

A Hiinning
bird, is as
/mall as a
Beetle. His
bill as/Jiarp
as a needle
point, and his
/ethers like
/like.

There are very many Marlins ;^ fome very fmall, and fome
fo large as is the Barbary Taffell.

I have often beheld thefe pretty birds, how they have
fcoured after the black bird, which is a fmall fized Choffe ^

that eateth the Indian maifze.
"^73 Sparhawkes^ there are alfo, the fairefl and * befl
ihaped birds that I have ever beheld of that kinde
thofe that are litle, no ufe is made of any of them, neither
are they regarded. I onely tried conclufions with a Lannaret
at firfl: comming ; and, when I found what was in that bird,
I turned him going : but, for fo much as I have obferved of
thofe birds, they may be a fitt prefent for a prince, and for
goodneffe too be preferred before the Barbary, or any other
ufed in Chriftendome ; and efpecially the Lannars and Lan-
narets.

There is a curious bird to fee to, called a hunning bird,*

1 The Pigeon Hawk [Falco colum-
barius) is the New England reprefen-
tative of the European MerUn {Falco
regulus).

'^ Probably the Crow Blackbird {Quz/-
calits purpureiis cEueus).

^ The Sharp-fhinned Hawk {Accipiter
/2(/cus), a common New England fpe-
cies clofely allied to the European Spar-
row Hawk {Accipiter ni/us). Our Coop-
er's Hawk {Accipiter cooperi) alfo may
be referred to under this name.

^ The Ruby-throated Humming-bird
{Trochilus colMhris), our only New Eng-
land fpecies. The Humming-birds are
pecuhar to the New World ; hence the
wonder and intereft with which they
were regarded by the early explorers
and colonifts. There is a letter from
Emanuel Downing to John Winthrop,
Jr., of the 2ift of November, 1632, in

which is this paragraph : " You have a
litle bird in your contrie that makes
a humminge noyfe, a little bigger then a
bee, I pray fend me one of them over,
perfe6l in his fethers, in a little box."
(IV. Ma/s. Hi/i. Coll., vol. vi. p. 4o«.)
There are many defcriptions of this bird
in the earlier writers, though none that
I have found fo early as Downing's let-
ter. Wood fays : " The Humbird is one
of the wonders of the Countrey, being no
bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the di-
menfions of a Bird, as bill and wings, with
quils, Spider-like legges, fmall clawes :
For colour, fhee is glorious as the Raine-
bow ; as thee flies, fhee makes a Kttle
humming noife like a humble bee :
wherefore flie is called the Humbird."
{NewEns:land^s Pro/pe^,^.2/\..) Joffe-
lyn's defcription is efpecially good :
" The Hu7n7ning Bird., the leafl; of all

Birds,

New Englifh Canaan, 199

no bigger then a great Beetle; that out of queftion lives
upon the Bee, which hee eateth and catcheth amongfb Flow-
ers : For it is his Cuftome to frequent thofe places. Flow-
ers hee cannot feed upon by reafon of his fharp bill, which
is like the poynt of a Spannifh needle, but fhorte. His
fethers have a gloffe like filke, and, as hee flirres, they fhew
to be of a chaingable coloure : and has bin, and is, admired
for fhape, coloure and fize.

C HAP. V.

Of the Beajis of the forrefl}

NOw that I have made a rehearfall of the birds and
fethered Fowles, which participate moft of aire, I will
give you a defcription of the beafts ; and Ihew you what
beafls are bred in thofe parts, and what my experience
hath gathered by obfervation of ^ their kinde and * 74
nature. I begin with the moll ufefull and molt
beneficiall bealt which is bredd in thofe parts, which is

the Deare. ^,

1 here

Birds, little bigger than a Dor, of vari- i For all the technical and fcientific
able glittering Colours, they feed upon notes to this chapter I am indebted to
Honey, which they fuck out of Bloffoms Mr. Joel A. Allen, of the Mufeum of
and Flowers with their long Needle-hke Comparative Zoology of Harvard Col-
Bills ; they fleep all Winter, and are not lege. To the matter contributed by
to be feen till the Spring, at which time him I have merely added, as in the im-
they breed in little Nefts,made up like a mediately preceding chapters, extracts
bottom of foft, Silk-like matter, their from other writers, more or lefs contem-
Eggs no bigger than a white Peafe, they poraneous with Morton, which feemed
hatch three or four at a time, and are to me to be illuftrative of the text, or in
proper to this Country." {New Eng- the fame fpirit with it. This chapter of
land's Rarities, p. 6.) See alfo Clay- Morton's is more complete, though prob-
ton's Letter, &c. (iii. Force's Tra^s, ably of lefs value, than Wood's and Jof-
No. 12, p. ^T,). felyn's chapters on the fame fubjed.

Deare of 3.
kindes.

Mofe or red
deare.

Mofe or
deare greater
than a horfe,
the height of
the7n 18.
hand fulles.

They bringe
forth three
faunes at one
time.

200 New Englifh Canaan.

There are in this Country three kindes of Deare, of which
there are greate plenty, and thofe are very ufefull.

Firft, therefore, I will fpeake of the Elke, which the Salv-
ages call a Mofe : ^ it is a very large Deare, with a very faire
head, and a broade palme, like the palme of a fallow Deares
home, but much bigger, and is 6. footewide betweene the
tipps, which grow curbing downwards : Hee is of the big-
neffe of a great horfe.

There have bin of them feene that has bin i8. handfulls
highe : hee hath a bunch of haire under his jawes : hee is
not fwifte, but Itronge and large in body, and longe legged ;
in fomuch that hee doth ufe to kneele, when hee feedeth
on graffe.

Hee bringeth forth three faunes, or younge ones, at a
time ; and, being made tame, would be good for draught,
and more ufefull (by reafon of their ftrength) then the Elke
of Raufhea.^ Thefe are found very frequent in the northerne

parts

of South Lancafter, Mafs.,) that early in
the eighteenth century fixteen elk were
feen near a brook in South Lancafter,
one of which was killed. The tradition
is fupported by the fa6l that the antlers
of the individual killed were preferved
in the family of the lucky hunter (Jonas
Fairbanks) for a long period, and after-
wards placed on the top of a guide-
board, where they ftill remain, molT-
grown and weather-worn by eighty years
of fun and ftorm. Since the receipt of
Mr. Nourfe's letter (dated Feb. 25,
1882), his account has been corroborated
by information from another fource.
That the antlers mentioned belonged to
an elk and not to a moofe is beyond
queftion."

2 "The Englifh have fome thoughts
of keeping them tame, and to accuftome

them

1 The Elke here mentioned is the
Moofe {A Ices malchis) of American
writers ; it is fpecifically the fame as the
elk of Northern Europe. From Wood's
account {New England'' s Profpe5l,
p. 18), it would feem that the moofe in
Morton's time ranged into eaftern Maf-
fachufetts, though not found now fouth
of northern Maine. The moofe has
but a fmgle fawn at a birth, not three
as ftated in the text.

Mr. Allen then adds to the above note :
" I have met with no pubHfhed record
of the occurrence of the American Elk,
or Wapiti Deer {Cervus Canadenfis)^ in
eaftern Maffachufetts. Since publifti-
ing a ftatement to this e£fe6l {Mem.
Hifl. Boflon, vol. i. p. 10), however, I
have learned through the kindnefs of a
correfpondent (Henry S. Nourfe, Efq.,

New Englifh Canaan. 201

parts of New England : their flefh is very good foode, and
much better then our redd Deare of England.

Their hids are by the Salvages converted into very good They make
lether, and dreffed as white as milke. fke hideTo/

Of this lether the Salvages make the bell fhooes ; and ufe ^^'^''^'
to barter away the fkinnes to other Salvages that have
none of that kinde of befls in the parts where they
live. Very good buffe may be made of the * hids. I ^75
have feene a hide as large as any horfe hide that can
be found. There is fuch abundance of them that the Salv-
ages, at hunting time, have killed of them fo many, that they
have bellowed fix or feaven at a time upon one Englifh man
whome they have borne affe6lion to.

There is a fecond fort of Deare ^ (leffe then the redd Deare T/ie midline
of England, but much bigger then the Englifh fallow Deare) /^S'S^^/ '
fwift of foote, but of a more darke coloure ; with fome grifeld
heares, when his coate is full growne in the fummer feafon ;
his homes grow curving, with a croked beame, refembling
our redd Deare, not with a palme like the fallow Deare.

Thefe bringe 3. fawnes at a time,^ fpotted like our fallow

Deares

them to the yoake, which will be a great 88, 137). See, alfo, N'eiv England's

commoditie : Firft, becaufe they are fo Rarities^ p. 19.

fruitfull, bringing forth three at a time, ^ The common Virginian Deer {Cari-

being likewife very uberous. Secondly, acus Virginia7tus\ formerly more or lefs

becaufe they will live in Winter without abundant throughout the eaftern half of

any fodder. There be not many of thefe the United States.

in the Maffachufetts Bay, but forty miles ^ T^g number of fawns produced at a

to the Northeaft there be great ftore of birth is commonly two, fometimes one,

them." {New England s ProfpeSl, p. and ftill more rarely three; although

18.) There are very good defcriptions three is ftated to be the ufual numb'er

of the Moofe, and the methods purfued in various feventeenth-century accounts

in hunting them, in Gorges's Brief Re- of the natural produ6lions of New Eng-

lation (II. Mafs. Hiji. Coll., vol. ix. p. land, Virginia, &c.
18) and in Joffelyn's Two Voyages (pp.

202 New Englifh Canaan.

Deares fawnes ; the Salvages fay, foure ; I fpeake of what I

know to be true, for I have killed in February a doe with

three fawnes in her belly, all beared, and ready to fall ; for

thefe Deare fall their fawnes 2. moneths fooner then the

fallow Deare of England. There is fuch abundance of

them that an hundred have bin found at the fpring of the

yeare, within the compaffe of a mile.

Trappesto The Salvages take thefe in trappes made of their naturall

'Deare. ^ Hempe, which they place in the earth where they fell a

tree for browfe ; and when hee rounds the tree for the

browfe, if hee tread on the trapp hee is horfed up by the

legg, by meanes of a pole that flarts up and catcheth him.^

Their hides the Saluages ufe for cloathing, and will give

for one hide killed in feafon, 2. 3. or 4. beaver fkinnes,

^ 76 which will yeild pounds a peece in that Coun'^try: fo

much is the Deares hide prifed with them above the

beaver. I have made good merchandize of thefe. The

flefh

1 Mourt, in hAS Relation (p. 8), records what cheere what cheere, Englijhmans

how Governor William Bradford, of squaw horfe ; having no better epithete

Plymouth, was caught in one of thefe than to call her a woman horfe, but

traps, and " horfed up by the leg," being loath to kill her, and as fearefull

when the firft party from the Mayflower to approach neere the frifcadoes of her

was exploring Cape Cod in November, Iron heeles, they polled to the Englifli

1620. Wood fays : " An Engliflt Mare to tell them how the cafe flood or hung

being ftrayed from her owner, and with their fquaw horfe, who unhorfed

growne wild by her long fojourning in their Mare, and brought her to her for-

the woods ranging up and down with mer tameneffe, which fmce hath brought

the wild crew, ftumbled into one of thefe many a good foale, and performed much

traps which ftopt her fpeed, hanging good fervice." {New England's Prof-

her hke yT/«>^^7>^<?/'j- tombe, betwixt earth pe6t., p. 'j^.^ Williams, in his Key

and heaven ; the morning being come (ch. xxvii.), defcribes how the deer

the /;zrt^2^;2j- went to looke what good fuc- caught in thefe traps were torn and

ceffe their Venifon trapps had brought devoured by wolves before the Indians

them, but feeing fuch a long fcutted came to fecure them. See, alfo, Colonel

Deere, praunce in their Meritotter, they Norwood's Voyage to Virginia, (iii.

bade her good morrow, crying out, Force'' s Trads, No. 10, p. 39.)

New Englifh Canaan. 203

flefli is farre fweeter then the venifon of England : and hee
feedeth fatt and leane together, as a fwine or mutton, where
as our Deare of England feede fatt on the out fide : they
doe not croake at rutting time, nor fpendle fhafte, nor is
their flefh difcoloured at rutting. Hee, that will impale
ground fitting, may be brought once in the yeare where with
bats and men hee may take fo many to put into that parke,
as the hides will pay the chardge of impaleinge. If all
thefe things be well conlidered, the Deare, as well as the
Mofe, may have a principall place in the catalogue of com-
modities.

I for my part may be bould to tell you, that my howfe The Hum-
was not without the flefh of this fort of Deare winter nor 7oggs%e!^
fummer : the humbles was ever my dogges fee, which by the
wefell ^ was hanged on the barre in the chimney, for his diet
only : for hee has brought to my ftand a brace in a morning,
one after the other before funne rifmg, which I have killed.

There is likewife a third forte of deare,^ leffe then the Roe kicks or
other, (which are a kinde of rayne deare,) to the fouthward ^""-^'^^
of all the Englifli plantations : they are excellent good flefh.
And thefe alfo bring three fawnes at a time ; and in this
particular the Deare of thofe parts excell all the knovvne
Deare of the whole world.

On all thefe the Wolfes doe pray continually. The befl; Woifesfray

upon Deare.

meanes

1 Wefd, obfolete for weafand. River. The ftatement that it is " leffe

2 The " third fort of Deere," of which then the other " (z. e. Virginian Deer),
the author evidently had no perfonal together with the fouthern habitat af-
knowledge, is doubtlefs a myth, as the figned it, preclude reference to the Cari-
Virginia Deeris the only fpeciesof fmall bou of northern New England, which
deer found in the United States, y^7<f//^ the name "rayne deare" otherwife fug-
of New England, eaft of the Miffiffippi gefts.

204 New Englifh Canaan.

meanes they have to efcape the wolfes is by fwim-

*77 ming to lilands/ or necks of land, whereby "^ they

efcape : for the wolfe will not prefume to follow them

untill they fee them over a river ; then, being landed, (they

wayting on the fhore,) undertake the water, and fo follow

with frefh fuite.

Beaver. The ncxt in mine opinion fit to be fpoaken of, is the

Beaver ; ^ which is a Beafl ordained for land and water both,

and hath fore feete like a cunny, her hinder feete like a

goefe, mouthed like a cunny, but Ihort eared like a Serat.

[He feeds on] fifhe in fummer, and wood in winter ; which

hee conveyes to his howfe built on the water, wherein hee

fitts with his tayle hanging in the water, which elfe would

over heate and rot off.

The Beavers Hcc cuts the bodics of trccs dowuc with his fore-teeth,

7rees^ZTth his which are fo long as a boares tufkes, and with the help of other

fore teeth. bcavcrs, (which hold by each others tayles like a teeme of

horfes,

1 "They defire to be neare the Sea, fo than the preceding ftatement about the
that they may fwimme to the lilands precaution the animal takes in winter to
when they are chafed by the Woolves." preferve his tail !

{New England'' s Profpe^, p. i8.) Deer Cunny^ mentioned in the firft para-

Ifland is confequently a very common graph, is doubtlefs a feventeenth-cen-

name along the New England coaffc; and tury barbarifm for cojty, a name at this

of the ifland bearing that name in Bof- time commonly applied to the rabbit,

ton harbor, now the fite of the city The context, both here and in the ac-

reformatory inftitutions, Wood fays : count of the rmiJIzewa/Jie, feems to im-

" This Hand is fo called, becaufe of the ply this, although the word is corre(5lly

Deare which often fwimme thither from written cony'va the paragraph relating to

the Maine, when they are chafed by the Hares. In fome of the early accounts

woolves: fome have killed fixteene Deere of Virginia, publifhed in the firft half of

in a day upon this Hand." Young's the feventeenth century, ^(^r^j- and ^?^/?-

Chron. of Mafs., p. 405. See, alfo, nies are enumerated in the lifts of ani-

ShurilQ^ ?,Defcriptwn of Bofion, -p. ^6^. mals, where the latter name evidently

2 The Beaver {Caftor fiber'). The ac- means cony or rabbit. Serat, in the fame
count of the way " they draw the logg paragraph, is a term of much greater
to the habitation appoynted " is a fanci- obfcurity of application.

ful exaggeration, hardly lefs ridiculous

New Englifh Canaa^i. 205

horfes, the hindmoft with the logg on his fhoulder flayed by
one of his fore feete againfl his head,) they draw the logg to
the habitation appoynted, placing the loggs in a fquare ; and
fo, by pyling one uppon another, they build up a howfe,
which with boghes is covered very flrongly, and placed in
fome pond, to which they make a damme of brufh wood,
like a hedge, fo llronge that I have gone on the top of it
croffe the current of that pond. The flefh of this beaft is
excellent foode. The fleece is a very choife furre, which,
(before the Salvages had commerce with Chriftians,) they
burned of the tayle : this beaft is of a mafculine vertue for
the advancement of Priapus,^ and is preferved for a difli for
the Sachems, or Sagamores; who are the princes of the
people, but not Kings, (as is fondly fuppofed.)

^ The fliinnes are the befl marchantable commodity ^ 78
that can be found, to caufe ready money to be brought
into the land, now that they are raifed to 10. ftiillings a Beaver

pound/ apoimd.

1 " The tail, as I have faid in another " Sables, from Ss. the payre, to 20s.
Treatife, is very fat and of a mafculine a payre.

vertue, as good as Erin-go's or Satyrion- " Otter fkins, from 3^-. to 5^. a piece.

Roots." (Joffelyn's Two Voyages, P-93') " Luzernes, from 2s. to 10. a piece.

2 Bradford, writing of the year 1636, " Martins the beft, 4?. a piece,
gives the following prices : " The coat " Fox fkins, dd. a piece,
beaver ufualy at 2.0s. per pound, and " Mufke Rats fkins, is. a dozen,
fome at 24^-. ; the fkin at 15 and fome- "Bever fkins that are full growne, in
times 16. I doe not remember any under feafon, are worth "js. a piece.

14. It may be the lafl year might be " Bever (kins, not in feafon, to allow

fomething lower " (p. 346). In 167 1 Jof- two fkins for one, and of the leffer, three

felyn fays : " A black Bears Skin here- for one.

tofore was worth forty fhiUings, now "Old Bever fkins in mantles, gloves

you may have one for ten." {Rai'ities, or caps, the more worne the better, fo

p. 14.) The following prices were they be full of fur, the pound weight is

named as ruling in Virginia in 1650; dsP See infra, 207, note 4, and alfo

(ill. Force's Trails, No. 11, p. 52.) *8o.

2o6 New Englifk Canaan.

In 5 yeares
one man gott
together
looo p. in
goodgold.

The Otter in
winter hath
a fur re as
black as lett.

The Ltiferan
as bigg as a
hmind.

The Martin
is about the
bignejfe of a
Fox.

A fervant of mine in 5. yeares was thought to have a 1000.
p. in ready gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed ; ^ whatfo-
ever became of it. And this beaft may challenge prehemi-
nence in the Catalogue.

The Otter ^ of thofe parts, in winter feafon, hath a furre fo
black as jett ; and is a furre of very highe price : a good
black Ikinne is worth 3. or 4. Angels of gold. The Flefh
is eaten by the Salvages : but how good it is I cannot fhew,
becaufe it is not eaten by our Nation. Yet is this a beaft
that ought to be placed in the number amongft the Com-
modities of the Country.

The Luferan, or Luferet,^ is a beaft like a Catt, but fo bigg
as a great hound : with a tayle fhorter then a Catt. His
clawes are like a Catts. Hee will make a pray of the Deare.
His Flefh is dainty meat, like a lambe : his hide is a choife
furre, and accompted a good commodity.

The Martin ^ is a beaft about the bignes of a Foxe. His

furre

1 The fervant here referred to was
probably Walter Bagnall, of Richmond
Ifland, who was killed by Indians, 061.
3, 1 63 1. See i7tfra, 218, note i.

2 The common Otter (^LiUra Canadejt-
/is), now of rare occurrence in the more
fettled parts of fouthern New England.

^ The Lii/eran, or Lttferet, is the Bay
Lynx, or Wild-cat {Lynx riifus).

" The Ounce or the wild Cat, is as big
as a mungrell dogge ; this creature is by
nature feirce, and more dangerous to bee
met withall than any other creature, not
feering either dogge or man ; he ufeth
to kill Deere which he thus effefteth :
Knowing the Deeres trafts, he will lie
lurking in long weedes, the Deere paffmg
by he fuddenly leapes upon his backe,
from thence gets to his necke, and

fcratcheth out his throate : he hath like-
wife a devife to get Geefe, for being
much of the colour of a Goofe, he will
place himfelfe clofe by the water, holding
up his bob taile, which is hke a Goofe
necke ; the Geefe feeing this counterfeit-
ing Goofe, approch nigh to vifit him,
who with a fudden jerke apprehends his
miftruftleffe prey." {New England's
Pro/pen, pp. 19, 20.) Joffelyn fays: " I
once found fix whole Ducks in the belly
of one I killed by a Pond fide." {Rari-
ties, p. 16.)

^ The Martin. Under this name are
doubtlefs confounded the Marten {Muf-
tela A7nericana) and the Fifher (^M.
Pennnnti). The fize, however, even in
cafe the Fifher alone were referred to,
is greatly overftated.

New Englifh Canaan. 207

furre is cheftnutt coloure : and of thofe there are greate (lore
in the Northerne parts of the Country, and is a good com-
modity.

The Racowne ^ is a beafl as bigg, full out, as a Foxe, with Racowne.
a Bufhtayle. His Flefh excellent foode : his oyle precious
for the Syattica : ^ his furre courfe, but the fkinnes ferve the
Salvages for coats, and is with thofe people of more
efleeme then a coate of beaver,^ becaufe of the tayles ^ 79
that (hanging round in their order) doe adorne the
garment, and is therefore fo much efteemed of them. His
fore feete are like the feete of an ape; and by the print
thereof, in the time of fnow, he is followed to his hole, which
is commonly in a hollow tree ; from whence hee is fiered
out, and fo taken.

The Foxes are of two coloures ; the one redd, the other r/ie Foxes
gray : ^ thefe feede on fifli, and are good furre : * they doe not ^^ ^'' '^'^^'^*

ftinke,

^ The Racowne is the common well- given in Morton's text. The abfence

known Raccoon {Procyon lotor). of ftrong fcent referred to relates to the

2 Joffelyn fays of the Raccoon : " their Gray Fox, a character mentioned by

greafe is foveraign for wounds with Joffelyn in his brief but sufficiently ex-

bruifes, aches, ftreins, bruifes ; and to plicit defcription of his Jaccal.
anoint after broken bones and difloca- ^ "The Indians fay they have black

tions." {Two Voyages^ P- 85.) A little foxes, which they have often feen, but

further on (p. 92) he notes : " One Mr. never could take any of them. They

Purchafe cured himfelf of the Sciatica fay they are Manittdoes, that is Gods,

with Bears-grQt^Q, keeping fome of it fpirits, or divine powers, as they fay of

continually in his groine." every thing which they cannot compre-

^ The Redd Fox is our common Red hend." (Williams's Key, ch. xvii ) The

Fox {Vulpes vulgaris, Y2iY. Pennfylva- black fox-fkin, Joffelyn fays {Rarities,

nicus). The Gray Fox \s doubtlefs the p. 21), "heretofore was wont to be val-

Virginianor Gray Fox (^r^^/^// <;z7?^r^^- ued at fifty and fixty pound, but now

argentatus') of the South and Weft, an you may have them for twenty ihillings;

animal formerly occurring in New Eng- indeed there is not any in A'ew Fng-

land but long fmce nearly extirpated. /<2;^<^ that are perfectly black, but filver

This is inferred from Joffelyn's account hair'd, that is fprinkled with gray hairs."

of the Jaccal {New England'' s Rari- The black wolf's fkin, he fays {ib. p. 16)

ties, p. 22), rather than from any clew " is worth 2^ Beaver Skin among the /;/

Hans,

2o8 New Engli/h Canaan.

The Wolfes
of diverfe
coloures.

ftinke, as the Foxes of England, but their condition for their
pray is as the Foxes of England.

The Wolfes are of divers coloures ; ^ fome fandy coloured,
fome grifelled, and fome black : their foode is fifh, which
they catch when they paffe up the rivers into the ponds to
fpawne, at the fpring time. The Deare are alfo their pray,
and at fummer, when they have whelpes, the bitch will fetch
a puppy dogg from our dores to feede their whelpes with.
They are fearefull Curres, and will runne away from a man,
(that meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end,) as fail as
any fearefull dogge.^ Thefe pray upon the Deare very much.

The

diaits, being highly efteemed for helping
old Aches in old people, worn as a Coat."
Of the foxes Wood remarks : " Some of
thefe be blacke ; their furre is of much
efteeme." {Prqfped,^. i^.) Elfewhere
he fays that the fur of a black wolf was
"worth five or fixe pounds Sterling."
{lb. 20.)
See, ?\io, fupra^ 205, note 2.

1 The Wolf\% the large Gray Wolf {Ca-
ms hipus) , formerly abundant through-
out New England, and well known to
vary in color as mentioned by Morton.

2 "They be made much Hke a Mungrell,
being big boned, lanke paunched, deepe
breafted, having a thicke necke and
head, pricke eares, and long fnoute, with
dangerous teeth, long flaring haire, and
a great bufli taile. . . . It is obferved
that they have no joynts from their head
to the taile, which prevents them from
leaping or fudden turning." (TV^w En£--
lands Profpe^l, p. 20.) See Joffelyn's
Rarities^ p. 14, and Two Voyages^ P- 83.
He fays : " They commonly go in routs,
a rout of Wolves is 12 or more, fome-
times by couples." Of the Virginia fpe-
cies, Clayton fays : '' Wolves there are
great ftore ; you may hear a Company
Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like

a pack of Beagles ; but they are very
cowardly, and dare fcarce venture on
anything that faces them ; yet if hun-
gry will pull down a good large Sheep
that flies from them. I never heard
that any of them adventured to fet on
Man or Child." (j\\. Force's Trails, No.
12, p. 37.) According to Strachey, thefe
Virginia wolves were " not much bigger
then Englifh foxes." {HiJlorie,i^. 125.)
Wood, however, fays that the Malfachu-
fetts wolves cared " no more for an ordi-
nary Maftiffe, than an ordinary Maftiffe
cares for a Curre ; many good dogges
have been fpoyled by them." Shortly
after the landing from the Mayflower at
Plymouth, John Goodman, one evening
in January, " went abroad to ufe his
lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the
cold he had got, having a little fpaniel
with him. A little way from the planta-
tion two great wolves ran after the dog ;
the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs
for fuccour. He had nothing in his
hand, but took up a ftick and threw at
one of them and hit him, and they pref-
ently ran both away, but came again.
He got a pale-board in his hand ; and
they fet both on their tails grinning at
him a good while; and went their way

and

New Englifh Canaan. 209

The ikinnes are ufed by the Salvages, efpecially the fkinne
of the black wolfe, which is efteemed a prefent for a prince
there.

When there arifeth any difference betweene prince and The /kin of a
prince, the prince that defires to be reconciled to his neigh- J'pre/ent'for
bouring prince does endeavour to purchafe it by fending ^^^'''^^•
him a black wolfes fkinne for a prefent, and the acceptance
of fuch a prefent is an affurance of reconciliation be-
tweene them ; and the * Salvages will willingly give * 80
40. beaver fkinnes for the purchafe of one of thefe
black Wolfes fkinnes : ^ and allthough the beafl himfelfe be
a difcommodity, which other Countries of Chriftendome are
fubjeft unto, yet is the fkinne of the black wolfe worthy the
title of a commodity, in that refpe6l that hath bin declared.

If I fhould not fpeake fomething of the beare,^ I might The Beares
happily leave a fcruple in the mindes of fome effeminate °'man^'^^^
perfone who conceaved of more dainger in them then there
is caufe. Therefore, to incourage them againfl all Feare
and Fortifie their mindes againfl needles danger, I will
relate what experience hath taught mee concerning them :
they are beafts that doe no harme in thofe parts ; they feede
upon Hurtleburies, Nuts and Fifh, efpecially fhell-fifh.

The Beare is a tyrant at a Lobfter, and at low water
will downe to the Rocks and groape after them with great
diligence.

Hee will runne away from a man as faft as a litle dogge. The Salvages
If a couple of Salvages chaunce to efpie. him at his banquet, -^ch^ffkim^''^

his ^'^^ '^ ^^^^^

and kill him.
and left him." (Young's Chron. of ^ The common Black Bear (JJrfus
Pilg', p. 178.) Americanus).

1 Supra ^ 205, note 2, and 207, note 4.

210 New Englifh Canaan.

his running away will not ferve his turne, for they will coate
him, and chafe him betweene them home to theire howfes,
where they kill him, to fave a laboure in carrying him farre.
His Flefh is elleemed venifon, and of a better taile then
beefe.^

His hide is ufed by the Salvages for garments, and is
more commodious then difcommodious ; and may paffe,
(with fome allowance,) with the refl.
Mujkewa/ke. The Mufkcwafhe^ is a beail that frequenteth the

*8i ponds. What hee eats I cannot finde. Hee is * but
a fmall beaft, leffe then a Cunny, and is indeede in
thofe parts no other then a water Ratte ; for I have feene

the

^ " For Beares they be common, being
a great black kind of Beare, which be
moft fierce in Strawberry time, at which
time they have young ones ; at this time
likewife they will goe upright Hke a man,
and chme trees, and fwimto the Illands :
which if the Indians fee, there will be
more fportful Beare bayting than Paris
Garden can afford. For feeing the
Beares take water, an Indian will leape
after him, where they goe to water cuffes
for bloody nofes, and fcratched fides ;
in the end the man gets the vi6lory, rid-
ing the Beare over the watery plaine till
he can beare him no longer." {New
England's Profpell, p. 17.) " He makes
his Denn amongft thick Bufhes, thruft-
ing in here and there ftore of mofs^
which being covered with fnow and
melting in the day time with heat of the
Sun, in the night is frozen into a thick
coat of Ice ; the mouth of his Den is
very narrow, here they lye fingle, never
two in a Den all winter. The Indian
as foon as he finds them, creeps in upon
all four, feizes with his left hand upon
the neck of the fleeping Bea7\ drags him
to the mouth of the Den, where with a

club or fmall hatchet in his right hand
he knocks out his brains before he can
open his eyes to fee his enemy." {Two
Voyages, p. 91.) Wood adds that bear's
flelh was " accounted very good meete,
efteemed of all men above Venifon."
Clayton fays that "their flelh is com-
mended for a very rich fort of Pork."
{Virginia, iii. Force'' s Tra&s No. 12,
p. 2,7-) " Beares there be manie towardes
the fea-coafl, which the Indians hunt
moft greedily ; for indeed they love
them above all other their flelh, and
therefore hardly fell any of them unto
us, unles upon large proffers of copper,
beads and hatchetts. We have eaten of
them, and they are very toothfome fweet
venifon, as good to be eaten as the flelh
of a calfe of two yeares old ; howbeit
they are very little in comparifon of
thole of MufcoviaandTartaria." (Stra-
chey's Hijiorie, p. 123.) See, alfo, Jof-
felyn's New England'' s Rarities, pp. 13-
14, and Two Voyages, pp. 91-2.

2 The well-known Muflcrat or Muf-
qualh {Fiber zibethicus) of our ponds.
The " ftones " are the oder glands. In
refpe6l to Cunny ^ i^t/upra 204, note 2.

New Englifk Canaan. 2 1 1

the fuckers of them digged out of a banke, and at that age
they neither differed in fhape, coloure, nor fize, from one of
our greate Ratts. When hee is ould, hee is of the Beavers
coloure ; and hath palTed in waite with our Chapmen for
Beaver.

The Male of them have flones, which the Salvages, in un-
cafeing of them, leave to the fkinne, which is a moft deli-
cate perfume, and may compare with any perfume that I
know for goodneffe : Then may not this be excluded the
Catalogue.

This Country, in the North parts thereof, hath many Por- Porcupines.
cupines,^ but I doe not finde the beaft any way ufefull or
hurtfull.

There are in thofe Northerne parts many Hedgehoggs, iiedghoggs.
of the like nature to our Englifh Hedghoggs.^

Here are greate ftore of Conyes^ in thofe parts, of divers conyesof/e-
coloures; fome white, fome black, and fome gray. Thofe ^''^'^
towards the Southerne parts are very fmall, but thofe to the
North are as bigg as the Englifh Cony : their eares are ver}^
fhort. For meate the fmall rabbit is as good as any that I
have eaten of elfe where. q-i

1 The Porcupine htho. Canadian Por- the Varying Hare {Lepus Americanus),
cupine {Erethizon dorfatus). or White Rabbit, which is brown in

2 The Hedgehogg is the fame as the fummer and white in winter. The ref-
Porcupine, the author being in error in erence to black ones is an error, wild
regarding it as " of the like nature to black hares being unknown except
our Englifh Hedgehoggs." The Englifli in cafes of Melanifm, which are of ex-
Hedgehog belongs to a very different tremely rare occurrence. We have no
order of mammals, and has no reprefen- /pedes of hare which is black. Rabbit,
tative in America. it may be added, is a name not ftrictly

^ The Conyes are Hares, the fmall applicable to any indigenous mammal

ones of the "Southerne parts" being of America, it being the vernacular

the little Gray Hare or Wood Rabbit fpecific defignation of an Old World

{Lepus fylvaticus) of fouthern New fpecies of hare.
England. Thofe of " the North " are

212

New Englifh Canaan.

Squirils of
three forts.

A Flying
Squirill.

Snakes.

There are Squirils of three forts,^ very different in fhape
and condition ; one ^ is gray, and hee is as bigg as the leffer
Cony, and keepeth the woods, feeding upon nutts.

Another is red, and hee haunts our howfes and will rob
us of our Corne ; but the Catt many times payes him the

price of his prefumption.
"^^2 ^ The third is a little flying Squirill, with batlike
winges, which hee fpreads when hee jumpes from tree
to tree, and does no harme.

Now becaufe I am upon a treaty of the beafts, I will place
this creature, the fnake, amongft the beafts, having my war-
rant from the holy Bible ; who, (though his pofture in his
paffage be fo different from all other, being of a more fubtile
and aidry nature, that hee can make his way without feete,
and lifte himfelfe above the fuperficies of the earth, as hee
glids along,) yet may hee not bee ranked with any but the
beafts, notwithftanding hee frequents the water, as well as
the land.

There are of Snakes divers and of feverall kindes, as be
with us in England ; but that Country hath not fo many as
in England have bin knowne.^

The

1 The '•'■Squirils of three forts " are (i)
the Gray Squirrel {Sciurus Carolineit-
fis) ; (2) the Red Squirrel, or Chickaree
{S. Hudfonius) ; (3) the Flying Squir-
rel {Sciuropterus volucellus). A fourth
kind, the Striped Squirrel, or Chip-
munk {Tamias flriatus) is not men-
tioned. The " batlike winges " are of
courfe neither bathke, nor even wings at
all, but merely a narrow furred mem-
brane extending along the fides of the
body, from the fore to the hind limbs.

2 [and] See fupra, iii, note i.

2 " 1639. May, which fell out to be
extream hot and foggie, about the mid-
dle of May, I kill'd within a flones
throw of our houfe, above four fcore
Snakes, fome of them as big as the
fmall of my leg, black of colour, and
three yards long, with a fharp horn
on the tip of their tail two inches in
length." (Joffelyn's Two Voyages, pp.
22-3.)

New Englifh Canaan. 213

The generall Salvage name of them is Afcowke.-^
There is one creeping beaft or longe creeple, (as the name Theratth
IS in Devonfhire,) that hath a rattle at his tayle that does ^'''''''''
difcover his age ; for fo many yeares as hee hath lived,
fo many joynts are in that rattle, which foundeth (when
it is in motion,) like peafe in a bladder; and this beaft
is called a rattle Snake; but the Salvages give him the
name of Sefick,^ which fome take to be the Adder ; and
it may well be fo, for the Salvages are fignificiant in their
denomination of any thing, and [it] is no leffe hurtfull
than the Adder of England, nor no more. I have had my
dogge venomed with troubling one of thefe, and fo fwelled
that I had thought it would have bin his death : but with
one Saucer of Salet oyle powred downe his throate
he * has recovered, and the fwelling affwaged by the * 83
next day. The like experiment hath bin made upon
a boy that hath by chaunce troad upon one of thefe, and the
boy never the worfe. Therefore it is fimplicity in any one
that fhall tell a bugbeare tale of horrible, or terrible Ser-
pents, that are in that land.^ ^Y

1 Mr. J. H. Trumbull writes :" Mor- the Rattlefnake {Crotalus duriffus)

ton s afcowke is Eliot's a/kook, R. V^il- were of the moft exaggerated kind. He

hams s ajkug, ' a fnake.' In Zeifberger's was defcribed as a reptile of prodigious

Delaware achgook; whence (through fize, which could fiy, and which poifoned

Heckewelder) Cooper's Chingachcook, by its breath. {New England's Prof-

the Great Serpent,' in the Loft of the pea, p. 39.) The firft mention of this

f^^T^^-^' ' . ^"^^^ ^^ Maffachufetts is found in Hig-

Wilhamsjinhisi^^/, gives the name ginfon's A'ew Efts^lands Plantation

as Sefek. _ See, alfo, Mr. Trumbull's note [1630]. It is as follows : " This coun-

in his edition of the Key (p. 130), in the try being very full of woods and wilder-

pubhcations of the Narraganfett Soci- neffes, doth alfo much abound with

ety Wood gives it as feafccke. {Prof- fnakes and ferpents, of ftrange colors

^3 in.' ^^'^ ^'^'^ huge greatnefs. Yea, there are

The ftories firft told in Europe of fome ferpents, called rattlefnakes, that

have

214

New Englifh Canaan.

Mife.

Lyons al-
waies in hot
Clymats^ not
in cold.

Mife there are good ftore, and my Lady Woodbees black
gray-malkin may have paltime enough there: but for Rats,
the Country by Nature is troubled with none.^

Lyons there are none in New England : ^ it is contrary to

the

have rattles in their tails, that will not
fly from a man as others will, but will
fly upon him and fling him fo mortally
that he will die within a quarter of
an hour after, except the party ftinged
have about him fome of the root of an
herb called fnake-weed to bite on, and
then he fliall receive no harm." (Young's
Chron. of Mafs.^ p. 255 ) Wood gives
an admirable defcription of the rattle-
fnake {Profpe£l^ pp. 38-9), and alfo
fpeaks of "the Antidote to expel the
poyfon, which is a root caled Snake
weede, which muft be champed, the
fpittle fwallowed, and the roote applied
to the fore. . . . Five or fix men have
been bitten by them, which by ufing of
fnakeweede were all cured, never any
yet lofing his life by them." Joffelyn, in
his Rarities (p. 39), fays : " The Indi-
ans when weary with travelling, will take
them up with their bare hands, laying
hold with one hand behind their Head,
with the other taking hold of their Tail,
and with their teeth tear off the Skin of
their backs, and feed upon them alive ;
which they fay refrefheth them." He
further fays that the heart of the rattle-
fnake " fwallowed frefli " {Rarities, p.
39), or "dried and pulverized and drunk
with wine or beer " {Voyages, p. 1 14), is
an antidote againft its poifon. In Clay-
ton's Virginia (in. Force's Trads, No. 12,
p. 39), there is a very entertaining paf-
fage, too long to extra6l, on Rattlefnakes,
and the ufe of Eaft India fnake-ftones
" that were fent [to Virginia] by King
James the Second, the Queen, and fome
of the Nobih'ty, purpolely to try their
Virtue and Efficacy," at curing the bite
of vipers, &c.

^ The Mice, which our author found
in " good ftore," belong chiefly to three
fpecies, — namely, the common fhort-
tailed Meadow Moufe {Arvicola ripari-
us), the White-footed Moufe, or Deer
Moufe {Hefperomys leucopus^, and the
Long-tailed Jumping Moufe, or Kanga-
roo Moufe {Zapus Hudfonius). The
common Houfe Moufe {Mus mufculus')
is an exotic peft, which doubtlefs had
not at that time made its appearance.
Morton is quite right in ftating : " but
for Rats, the Country by Nature is
troubled with none." The Black Rat
{Mus rattus) was quite early introduced,
but the Gray, Wharf, or Norway Rat
{Mus decumanus) probably did not
make its appearance till fully a century
after Morton wrote his New Englijh
Canaan.

2 Morton, as was natural for a keen
fportfman who had himfelf been in the
tropics, was wifer on the fubje6t of Lions
than other Engifhmen in New England.
From the firfl landing at Plymouth,
when John Goodman and Peter Browne,
getting loft in the woods, heard "two
lions roaring exceedingly," down to
1639, when Joffelyn heard " of a young
Lyon (not long before) kill'd at Pafcata-
way by an Indian," there were vague
ftories of thefe animals having been
either feen or heard in the New England
woods. Joffelyn argued on the great
probability that there were hons becaufe
there were jackals {Rarities, p. 21) ;
and Wood faid that "the Virginians faw
an old Lyon in their Plantation, who
having loft his lackall, which was wont
to hunt his prey, was brought fo poore
that he could goe no further." {Prof-
pea,

New Engli/h Canaan. 215

the Nature of the beaft to frequent places accuflomed to
fnow ; being like the Catt, that will hazard the burning of
her tayle rather than abide from the fire.

Chap. VI.

Of Stones and Minerals}

NOw, (for as much as I have in a breife abftra6l fhewed
you the Creatures whofe fpecificall Natures doe fim-
pathife with the elements of fire and aire,) I will come to
fpeake of the Creatures that participate of earth more then
the other two, which is ftones.

And firll of the Marble for building ; whereof there is Marble.
much in thofe parts, in fo much there is one bay in the land
that beareth the name of Marble harber, becaufe of the
plenty of Marble there : ^ and thefe ^ are ufefull for * 84
building of Sumpteous Pallaces.

And becaufe no good building can be made permanent, umejione,
or durable, without Lime, I will let you underftand that

there

pe^^ p. 17.) Strachey fpeaks of having As in the three preceding chapters, cer-

found the Ikins and claws of lions in tain other notes of my own have been

the hands of the Indians. {Hijlorie, p. added, which are of a wholly different

124.) The animal referred to in all thefe charafter, and will readily be diftin-

cafes was doubtlefs the Panther or Cat- guifhed from ProfelTor Shaler's.
amount {Felis concolor). On this fub- ^ ^he marble of Marble Harbor, or

je6l fee alfo Young's Chron. of Pilg.^ Marblehead, is not, in the prefent fenfe

p. 176, note ; Tuckerman's New Eng- of the word, a marble at all, but is, in

latid's Rarities, p. 57, note; and the fa6l, a porphyry. In the old fenfe of

Mem. Hijiory of Bofion., vol. i. p. 9. the word it defignated any fmooth-llriped

^ For the fcientific and technical notes or fpotted ftones, fuch as are found

to this chapter I am indebted to Profef- there,
for N. S. Shaler of Harvard Univerfity.

2i6 New Englifh Canaan.

there is good Limeftone neere to the river of Monatoquinte,^
at Uttaquatock,^ to my knowledge ; and we hope other places
too, (that I have not taken fo much notice of,) may have
the like, or better : and thofe Itones are very convenient
for building.

Chalk. Chalke flones there are neere Squantos Chappell,^ fhewed

me by a Salvage.

Slate. There is abundance of excellent Slate * in divers places of

the Country ; and the befl that ever I beheld for covering-
of howfes : and the inhabitants have made good ufe of thefe
materials for building.

whetjiones. There is a very ufefull Stone in the Land, and as yet
there is found out but one place where they may be had, in
the whole Country : Ould Woodman, (that was choaked at
Plimmouth after hee had played the unhappy Markes man
when hee was purfued by a careleffe fellow that was new
come into the Land,) they fay laboured to get a patent of
it to himfelfe. Hee was beloved of many, and had many
fonnes that had a minde to engroffe that commodity. And

^ No limeftone, good or bad, is known referred to in the text, and that Quaw,

to exift on the Monatoquit now; the or Quor, is a corruption of the Indian

neareft limeftone is at Bear (or Bare) Attaquatock.

Hill, in Stoneham, ^ There are no " chalke ftones " at

2 There is a locality in Eaft Braintree, Squanto's Chapelle, i. e.^ Squantum, or

included in the Wainwright eftate, at anywhere elfe in this part of the world,

the foot of Wyman's Hill and facing the Morton may poffibly have miftaken peb-

Weymouth Fore-river, into which the bles of decayed felfpar for chalk.

Monatoquit flows, where is a quarry ^ There is fome flate in Quincy and

from which ftone bearing fome exter- Weymouth that might be ufed for roof-

nal refemblance to limeftone was for- ing, and a quarry of it was long worked

merly taken for ballaft. This place for material for graveftones, &c., on

has always been locally called the Squantum Bay, a mile or fo from Mount

Quaw, though the origin and meaning Wollafton ; but it is flate of a very

of the name have never been known, poor fort. The neareft workable flate

It would feem that this muft be the place is in Vermont and Maine.

New Englifh Canaan.

217

I cannot fpie any mention made of it in the woodden
profpe6l.^

Therefore I begin to fufpe(?l his aime, that it was for
himfelfe ; and therefore will I not difcover it : it is the
Stone fo much commended by Ovid, becaufe love delighteth
to make his habitation in a building of thofe materials,
where hee advifes thofe that feeke for love to doe it, Duris
in Cotibus ilium?'

This flone the Salvages doe call Cos ;^ * and of ^85
thefe, (on the North end of Richmond Hand,) are
ftore, and thofe are very excellent good for edg'd tooles.* I

envy

New England's Profpe^, was one of
the " many fonnes " of" Old Woodman,"
who had been hanged at Plymouth.
That fuch was Morton's intention,
however, is not clear. The paffage is
muddled, but not neceffarily malicious.

2 The words quoted are not Ovid's,
but Virgil's. Eclogues, viii. 43.

^ Supra, 124.

^ Joffelyn, in his Two Voyages (p. 202),
fpeaks of the "excellent whetftones"
then (1670) found at Richmond Ifland.

" There is a fpecies of flate quite
abundant on Richmond's Ifland, and
fome other Iflands in Cafco Bay, which
has been ufed for oil-ftones. JoiTelyn,
in his Voyages, fays that 'tables of flate
could he got out long enough for a
dozen men to fit at.' " See a communi-
cation on this paffage of the New Ca-
naan, figned J. P. B., in the Portland
Prefs of January 2, 1883. Profeffor
Shaler adds : " It is interefting to note
the fa6l that Morton faw that whet-
ftones could be made the bafis for trade.
Stones fuitable for this purpofe are rare
in Europe, and to-day a New Hampfliire
company fliips large quantities to Eu-
rope and even to Auitralia."

^ This paffage is more than ufually
confufed, even for Morton. It is difficult
to fay whetherhe is perpetrating a clumfy
joke, or indulging in a mahcious inlinu-
ation. John Billington was hanged at
Plymouth in September, 1630, being ap-
parently the fecond perfon fo executed in
what is now Maffachufetts, the firft hav-
ing been executed at Weymouth during
the winter of 1622-3. (^Infra, * 108-10.)
The man fhot by Billington, and for
whofe murder he was hung, was John
New-comin (Bradford, p. 277), whence
Morton's play upon the name. Billing-
ton had two fons, but he was by no
means " beloved." As Bradford, writing
about him as early as 1625, faid, " he is a
knave," adding prophetically "and fo
will Hve and die." (Savage's Winthrop,
vol. i. p. *36). Why Morton fhould have
called him " Ould Woodman " is not
clear. From his immediately going on
to talk of the " woodden profpe6l," and
the wifh of its author to fecure for him-
felf a monopoly of the Richmond Ifland
whetftones, which " Ould Woodman la-
bored to get a patent of," it would feem
as if he had intended to convey the idea
that William Wood, the author of the

2i8 New Englifh Canaan.

envy not his happineffe. I have bin there : ^ viewed the
place : liked the commodity : but will not plant fo Northerly
for that, nor any other commodity that is there to be had.

There

1 Richmond Ifland lies diredly fouth-
eaft of Cape Elizabeth and clofe to
it. From what Morton fays in the next
chapter and elfewhere {infra, *I49X i^
would feem that before his arreft by
Standifh in June, 1628, — that is, in the
fummer of 1627, — he had a fur ftation on
the coaft of Maine. {Supra, 23.) Win-
throp, writing under date of 06lober 22,
163 1, mentions the murder of " Walter
Bagnall, called Great Watt, and one

John P who kept with him," by the

Indians at Richmond Ifland. He adds :
" This Bagnall was fometimes fervant
to one in the bay, and thefe three years
had dwelt alone in the faid ille, and had
gotten about ^400 moft in goods. He
was a wicked fellow, and had much
wronged the Indians." (Winthrop, vol,
i . p. * 63) . Bagnall would, from this, ap-
pear to have been one of Morton's fer-
vants at Mount Wollafton, as he alone
in " the bay," at that time, had any
number of fervants, or was engaged in
trade on the Maine coaft. As Bagnall
was killed in 1631, and had then lived
alone at Richmond Ifland three years,
he feems to have taken up his abode
there in 1628, the time of the breaking
up of the company at Mount Wollafton
by Standifh and Endicott, and the fettle-
ment at Richmond Ifland was thus the
Maine offfhoot of that at Merry-mount.
Bagnall was probably that one of Mor-
ton's fervants who, he fays, was reputed,
when he died, to have made a thoufand
pounds in the fur trade in five years,
" whatfoever became of it." {Supra, *78).
Morton's expreffion here of " five years "
agrees with Winthrop's " three years,"
and confirms this furmife. Bagnall had
died in 1631. Morton had gotten con-

trol at Mount Wollafton in 1626. {Supra,
15.) Bagnall had remained there as his
fervant two years, until 1628 ; then had
been frightened away and gone to Rich-
mond Ifland, where he had Hved three
years more, as Winthrop fays, — mak-
ing in all Morton's five years. In his
phrafe " whatfoever became of it " Mor-
ton chara6leriftically throws out an in-
finuation in regard to Bagnall's poffef-
fions. He probably meant to imply
fome underhand proceeding to get hold
of them on the part of the Maffachufetts
Bay people. Recently a theory has
been advanced in the Maine prefs, that
Bagnall was an Epifcopalian, and com-
petitor in trade of the Maffachufetts
Company; and that Winthrop and his
affociates, not being able otherwife to
get rid of him, compaffed his death by
indire6l means. (See a letter of S. P.
Mayberry in Portland Prefs of Jan. 9,
1883.) Winthrop fays that moft of the
poffeffions in queftion were in goods.
A portion would naturally be in the form
of money, and it was left for the prefent
generation to form a moft plaufible fur-
mife as to " whatfoever became " of
fome of this money. On May 11, 1855,
an old ftone pot was turned up by the
ploughfhare, on Richmond Ifland, con-
taining fifty-two coins ; and Mr. Willis,
the hiftorian of Portland, then took
occafion, in a letter to the Maffachufetts
Hiftorical Society {Proceedings, May
1857, pp. 183-8), to "exprefs the behef
that the money [was] conne6ted with the
fate of Walter Bagnall, who was killed
by Sagamore Squidraket and his party,
06t. 3, 163 1." There was nothing to
fhow that any of the coins were of a
later date than 1631. A patent for

Richmond

New Englifh Canaan.

219

There are Loadeftones ^ alfo in the Northerne parts of the Loadjimes.
land : and thofe which were found are very good, and are a
commodity worth the noteing.

Iron flones ^ there are abundance : and feverall forts of ironjiones.
them knowne.

Lead ore ^ is there Hkewife, and hath bin found by the Lead.
breaking of the earth, which the Froft hath made mellow.

Black Leade* I have likewife found very good, which the BiackUad.
Salvages ufe to paint their faces with.

Red Leade^ is there likewife in great abundance. Read lead.

There is very excellent Boll Armoniack.^ Bou.

There is moft excellent Vermilion.^ All thefe things the Vermiuon.

Salvages make fome litle ufe of, and doe finde them on the

circumference of the Earth. -d • n

Bnmltone

Richmond Ifland, together with fifteen
hundred acres on the main land, was
iffued to Bagnall by the Council for
New England, Dec. 2, 1631, juft three
months after his death. {Records of
the Council^ pp. 51-2.) Morton was
then in England, and unqueftionably in
communication with Gorges. {Supra.,

49.)

1 Doubtlefs the magnetic iron oxides.
None of thefe are known to me nearer
than in the mountains forming the weft-
erly part of the Berkfhire Hills, from
New York City to the Adirondacks, ex-
cept in Cumberland, R. I., where there
is forae iron of this nature.

^ No ironftones are known around
Maffachufetts bay ; the neareft depofits
are in Rhode Ifland.

^ Small quantities of galena ore have
been found i^i Woburn and that vicinity.
There are fome locahties near New-
buryport where the favages may have
found fmall quantities of galena.

^ Black leade is doubtlefs plumbago,
or graphite ; it is found in Wrentham
and in Worcefter, Mafs., as well as at
various points in Rhode Ifland.

^ Red leade is doubtlefs an ochre, fuch
as may have been found near Cranfton,
R. I.

^ Boll armoniack is the Bolus arjnen-
iaca of the old apothecaries. Bolus is the
prefix to feveral old pharmacopial names,
having loft its original fpecial fignifi-
cation and come to be a given term for
all lumpy fubftances. Here it means a
fort of reddifh clay, fuch as may be ufed
for marking, — a clayey ochre fuch as
may have come from about Providence,
R. I.

■^ Vermilion oxide of mercury is not
known to occur this fide of the Rocky
Mountains. It is likely that he miftook
fome brilliant ochre for true vermihon.
It may be, however, that the aborigi-
nes traded for it with weftern tribes.
Their copper implements probably came

from

220

New Englifh Canaan.

Brim/lone.
Tinne.

Copper.

Silver.

Brimftone ^ mines there are likewife.
Mines of Tinne ^ are likewife knowne to be in thofe parts :
which will in fhort time be made ufe of : and this cannot be
accompted a meane commodity.

Copper mines ^ are there found likewife, that will enrich
the Inhabitants. But untill theire younge Cattell be growne
hardy labourers in the yoake, that the Plough and the
Wheate may be feene more plentifully, it is a worke muft be

forborne.
* 86 ^ They fay there is a Silver, and a gold mine * found
by Captaine Littleworth : ^ if hee get a patent of it to
himfelfe hee will furely change his name.

Chapter VII.

from Lake Superior. Many evidences
of almoft as wide a commerce could be
adduced.

1 Brimftone, or fulphur, does not exift
in its metallic ftate this fide of the Cor-
dilleras. He may have feen fome pyrite-
bearing fchifts, fuch as occur in Maine,
which in dumping give a fulphuric fmell.

2 Tin does not occur in tliis region.
Some localities are known in Maine and
elfewhere in New England, but they
could hardly have been found by the
Savages, or known to Morton.

^ Copper in its metallic ftate, the only
form in which he would have recog-
nized it, does not occur about Maffa-
chufetts Bay. A very little of it has
been found in Cumberland, R. I., in the
valley of the Blackftone River.

* No filver, except when combined
with lead and zinc ore, has ever been
found in this diftrift. Some occurs in
the diftrift from Woburn to Newbury-
port. Metallic filver could not have
been known to the natives. The near-
eft localities for metallic gold are the

ftreams of Vermont, New Hampfliire,
and weftern Maine, in which cliftrifl
placer gold occurs in confiderable quan-
tities, and fome auriferous quartz veins
are known.

Profeffor Shaler adds to his foregoing
notes : " The general impreffion which
I get from the writer is that he was a
bad obferver, but not more untruthful
than molt of the feventeenth century
travellers. He does not fay that gold
or filver had been feen by him, and
limits his hearfay evidence to a fingle
mine. Except for the extraordinary
ftuff about the whetftones, — wherein
we may perhaps fee fomething of the
Maypole humor, — it is, for its time, a
rather fober and reafonable ftory."

^ This is the name by which Morton
invariably defignates John Endicott. For
reafons which have been explained in
the preliminary matter to this edition of
the New Canaan {fiipra^ pp. 38-42), its
author felt — and, as will be feen, never
miffed an opportunity to exprefs — a
peculiar bitternefs towards Endicott.

New Englifh Canaan. 221

Chap. VII.

Of the Fijhes, and what commodity they proove}

AMong Fifties, firft I will begin with the Codd, becaufe
it is the moft commodious of all fifti, as may appeare
by the ufe which is made of them in forraigne parts.

The Codd fiftiing is much ufed in America, (whereof New Codd.
England is a part,) in fo much as 300. Sayle of ftiipps,
from divers parts, have ufed to be imployed yearely in that
trade.

I have feene in one Harboure,^ next Richmond Hand, 15. is-^^^PP^^^

r^ ^ c n ' ' 11 I'l i«i ^^^ time for

Sayle of Ihipps at one time, that have taken m them driyed Codd.
Codds for Spaine and the Straights, and it has bin found
that the Saylers have made 15. 18. 20. 22. p. fhare for a
common man.

The Coaft aboundeth with fuch multitudes of Codd ^ that
the inhabitants of New England doe dunge their grounds

with

^ For the notes to this chapter I am taking them. In editing the Rarities^

indebted to Theodore Lyman, of the Mr. Tuckerman remarked that he had

Maffachufetts Fifh Commiffion. Hig- " Httle to offer in elucidation of the lift

ginfon, in his -New England's Planta- [of fifhes], which, indeed, in good part,

tio7i^ has a paffage on Fifh (Young's appears fufficiently intelHgible," — a re-

Chron. of Mafs., pp. 248-51), and Wil- mark equally applicable to the prefent

liams, in his Key, devotes a chapter (xix.) chapter of the New Canaan.

to the fame fubjedt. Wood again, in his ^ Portland Harbor. See fupra, 218,

ProfpeSI (pp. 27-31), deals with it in his note i.

peculiar manner, and Joffelyn, both in ^ This proves that the local Cod, /. e.,
his Voyages (pp. 104-15) and in his thofe that breed clofe to the fhore, have
Rarities (pp. 22-37), devotes a good much decreafed; and this partly by over-
deal of fpace to the enumeration of the fifhing, and partly by the falling-o£f of
different kinds of New England fifhes, their food in the form of young fiflies
their peculiarities, and the methods of coming to the fea from rivers and brooks.

foil Id for 5./.

2 22 New Englifh Canaait.

with Codd ; and it is a commodity better than the golden
mines of the Spanifh Indies ; for without dried Codd the
Spaniard, Portingal and Itahan would not be able to vittel
of a fliipp for the Sea ; and I am fure at the Canaries it is

the principall commodity: which place lyeth neere
^ ^'] New Eng^land, very convenient for the vending of

this commodity, one hundred of thefe being at the

price of 300. of New found land Codds : greate ftore of

Oyiemaydof traiuc oylc ^ is mayd of the livers of the Codd, and is a com-

the ItTJCTS of

the Codd. modity that without queftion will enrich the inhabitants of
New England quicly; and is therefore a principall com-
modity.

^ ipo Baffe The Baffe ^ is an excellent Fifh, both frefh and Salte ; one
hundred whereof falted, (at a market,) have yeilded 5. p.
They are fo large, the head of one will give a good eater a
dinner; and for daintineffe of diet they excell the Mary-
bones of Beefe. There are fuch multitudes, that I have
feene flopped into the river clofe adjoyning to my howfe,
with a fand at one tide, fo many as will loade a fhip of a
100. Tonnes.

Other places have greater quantities, in fo much as wagers
have bin layed that one fhould not throw a Hone in the
water but that hee fhould hit a fifh.

I my felfe, at the turning of the tyde, have feene fuch
multitudes paffe out of a pound, that it feemed to mee that
one might goe over their backs drifhod. Thef

^ This is perhaps the firft mention in Bafs mentioned four paragraphs below,

America of cod-liver oil, now fo much as chafing mackerel "into the fhallow

ufed in medicine. waters," may perhaps be the Bluefifh

2 The Striped Bafs {Labrax). The {Temnodon),

New Englifh Canaan. 223

Thefe follow the bayte up the rivers, and fometimes are
followed for bayte and chafed into the bayes, and fhallow
waters, by the grand pife :^ and thefe may have alfo a prime
place in the Catalogue of Commodities.

The Mackarels are the baite for the Baffe, and thefe Mackareii
have bin chafed into the fhallow waters where fo many ^^!' '^'^
thoufands have fhott themfelves a fhore with the furfe of the
Sea, that whole hogges-heads have bin taken up on
the Sands; and for length, they excell * any of other ^38
parts: they have bin meafured i8. and 19. inches in
length and feaven in breadth : and are taken with a drayle,^
(as boats ufe to paffe to and froe at Sea on bufmeffe,) in very
greate quantities all alonge the Coafte.

The Fifli is good, falted, for ftore againfl the winter, as
well as frefh ; and to be accounted a good Commodity.

This Sturgeon in England is regalis pifcis ;^ every man in sturgeon.
New England may catch what hee will : there are multitudes
of them, and they are much fatter then thofe that are
brought into England from other parts, in fo much as b}^
reafon of their fatneffe they doe not looke white, but yellow,

which

1 This is either an expreffion which 2 « Thefe Macrills are taken with

has wholly paffed out of ufe, or elfe a drailes, which is a long fmall line, with

mifprint. Probably the latter. It may, a lead and a hooke at the end of it,

however, alfo be furmifed that Morton being baited with a peece of a red

charaderiftically coined a word from cloath." {New England's Profped, p.

the Latin, and here meant to refer to 30.) This inftrument ftill bears the fame

the various large fifh in New England name and is ufed in the fame way.

waters, fuch as the Horfe Mackerel 3 when caught in the Thames, within

{Thvnnus fecundo dorfalis), the Mac- the jurifdiaion of the Lord Mayor of Lon-

kerel Shark {Lamna pundata), and don, the Sturo:eon {Actpen/e?') is a roval

the common Dogfilh {Acanthias Amer- fifh referved for the fovereign. " The

icaniis), all of which follow fchools of Sturgeon is a Regal fifli too, I have feen

mackerel, bafs, &c., into fhoal waters of them that have been fixteen foot in

and prey upon them. lenghth." (Joffel, Two Voyages, p. 105.)

2 24 New Englifh Canaan.

Salmon.

Herrings.

Great plenty
of Eeles.

which made a Cooke prefume they were not fo good as
them of Roulhea: filly fellow that could not underftand
that it is the nature of filh falted, or pickelled, the fatter the
yellower being beft to preferve. ^

For the tafle, I have warrant of Ladies of worth, with
choife pallats for the commendations, who liked the tafte fo
well that they efleemed it beyond the Sturgeon of other
parts, and fayd they were deceaved in the lookes : therefore
let the Sturgeon paffe for a Commodity.

Of Salmons there is greate abundance : and thefe may be
allowed for a Commodity, and placed in the Catallogue.

Of Herrings there is greate ftore, fat and faire : and,
(to my minde,) as good as any I have feene; and thefe
may be preferved, and made a good commodity at the

Canaries.
* 89 *"Of Eeles there is abundance, both in the Salt-
waters and in the frefh : and the frefh water Eele
there, (if I may take the judgement of a London Fifhmonger,)
is the befl that hee hath found in his life time. I have
with 2} eele potts found my howfehold, (being nine perfons,
befides doggs,) with them, taking them every tide, (for 4.
moneths fpace,) and preferving of them for winter Hore:^
and thefe may proove a good commodity. ^r

1 But little attention has been paid
as yet in the United States to the Stur-
geon fifheries, in fpite of their great
abundance.

2 [jieele.] Ste^fiipra, in, note i.

^ " There be a greate ftore of Salt
water Eeles, efpecially in fuch places
where graffe growes: for to take thefe
there be certaine Eele pots made of
Ofyers, which mull be baited with a
peece of Lobfter, into which the Eeles

entering cannot returne backe againe;
fome take a bufhell in a night in this
maner, eating as many as they have
neede of for the prefent, and fait up the
reft againft Winter. Thefe Eeles be not
of fo lufcious a taft as they be in Eng-
land, neither are they fo aguifli, but are
both wholfom for the body, and delight-
full for the tafte." {New England^ s
Prof pea, p. 30.)

New Englifh Canaan. 225

Of Smelts there is fuch abundance that the Salvages doe smeits.
take them up in the rivers with bafkets, like fives.

There is a Fifh, (by fome called fhadds, by fome allizes,)^ shaddsor
that at the fpring of the yeare paffe up the rivers to fpaune to dung^'e ^^
in the ponds ; and are taken in fuch multitudes in every ^^°^^^-
river, that hath a pond at the end, that the Inhabitants
doung their ground with them. You may fee in one towne-
fhip a hundred acres together fet with thefe Fifh, every acre
taking looo. of them: and an acre thus dreffed will pro-
duce and yeald fo much corne as 3. acres without fifh : and,
leafh any Virginea man would inferre hereupon that the
ground of New England is barren, becaufe they ufe no fifh
in fetting their corne, I defire them to be remembred the
caufe is plaine, in Virginea they have it not to fett. But
this pra6life is onely for the Indian Maize, (which muft be
fet by hands,) not for Englifh graine : and this is there-
fore a commodity there.

There is a large fized fifh called Hallibut, or Turbut:^ Turbutor

fome are taken fo bigg that two men have much a

doe to hale them into the boate ; but there is ^ fuch * 90

plenty, that the fifher men onely eate the heads and

finnes, and throw away the bodies : fuch in Paris would

yeeld 5. or 6. crownes a peece: and this is no difcom-

modity. ^1

^ There

1 Morton confounds the Shad {Alofa fhore or in fhoal water. It is taken by
prcBjiabilis\ or Alhze (corruption of the the Gloucefter fifhermen along the outer
French yi/(7/^), with the fmallerAlewife. banks, in depths of a hundred to two
This, with the Smelt and the Eel, are hundred fathoms. The New England
among the few fhore fifhes that are flill Turbot {Lophopfetta) of our coafts is a
found in comparative plenty. The Men- different fifh, and rarely ventures to the
haden is ufed in our time to fet corn. north of Cape Cod. The fifhermen

2 At the prefent time the Halibut frequently fell our turbot as chicken-
{Hippoglojfus) is feldom caught near the halibut.

2 26 New Englifh Canaan.

Plaice, There are excellent Plaice,^ and eafily taken. They,

(at flowing water,) do almofl come afhore, fo that one may
ftepp but halfe a foote deepe and prick them up on the
fands and this may paffe with fome allowance.

Hake. Hake ^ is a dainty white fifh, and excellent vittell frefh ;

and may paffe with other commodities, becaufe there are
multitudes.

Piichers. There are greate llore of Pilchers : ^ at Michelmas, in

many places, I have feene the Cormorants* in length 3. miles
feedinge upon the Sent.

Lobjiers. Lobftcrs are there infinite in ftore in all the parts of the

land, and very excellent. The moft ufe that I made of
them, in 5. yeares after I came there, was but to baite my
Hooke for to catch Baffe ; I had bin fo cloyed with them
the firft day I went a fhore.

This being knowne, they fhall paffe for a commodity to
the inhabitants; for the Salvages will meete 500, or 1000.
at a place where LobHers come in with the tyde, to eate,
and fave dried for flore ; abiding in that place, feafting and
fporting, a moneth or 6. weekes together.^ ^1

^ The Flounder {Pfendopleurone5les\ about the Gulf of St. Lawrence and

whereof there are feveral fpecies. northward, vifiting New England waters

^ Hake {Phycis) are flill fomewhat during the autumn and winter. While

common. with us they are exclufively maritime,

3 Morton probably means the Men- frequenting by choice the vicinity of

\\2^.^Q:n{Brevoortia). The European Pilch- outlying ledges and fmall, rocky iflands.

ard, the adult of the Sardine, is not When paffmg from place to place, they

found on our coaft. often fly in large flocks, which are ufu-

^ Probably the Double-crefl:ed Cor- ally arranged in long lines or Angle

morant {Phalacrocorax dilophus). The files. They live on fifh, which they

Common Cormorant (P. carbo) alfo capture by diving,

occurs in New England, but it is rare ^ This paragraph, and the one on

to the fouthward of Maine. Both fpe- clams immediately following it, throw

cies breed abundantly on rocky fhores confiderable light on the formation of

the

New Englifk Canaan. 227

There are greate flore of Oyfters in the entrance of all Oyjurs.
Rivers : they are not round as thofe of England, but excel-
lent fat, and all good. I have feene an Oyfter banke a mile
at length.

Muffles there are infinite ftore ; I have often gon Mujiies.

* to Waffagufcus, where were excellent Muflles, to eate ^ 9 1
for variety, the fiih is fo fat and large.^

Clames is a fhellfiih, which I have feene fold in Weflmin- ciames.
fter for 12. pe. the fkore. Thefe our fwine feede upon, and
of them there is no want ; every fliore is full ; it makes the
fwine proove exceedingly, they will not faile at low water to
be with them. The Salvages are much taken with the
delight of this fifhe, and are not cloyed, notwithflanding the
plenty : for our fwine we finde it a good commodity.

Rafer fiflies there are. Ra/erfi/iu

Freeles there are. Cockles and Scallopes;^ and divers /)',w^.
other forts of ShellfifJie, very good foode.

Now that I have fhewed you what commodities are there
to be had in the Sea, for a Market; I will fliew what is in
the Land, alfo, for the comfort of the inhabitants, wherein it
doth abound. And becaufe my tafke is an abltraft, I will
difcover to them the commodity thereof.

There are in the rivers, and ponds, very excellent Trouts, Fre/Jifijji,
Carpes, Breames, Pikes, Roches, Perches, Tenches, Eeles, c^-pes,

1 Breames,
a-na Pikes, Roches,
Perches,
the Ihell-heaps, a queftion which has proceedings of that meeting in the Col- Tenches,
been recently much difcuffed. See the le6lions of the Society. and Eeles.

paper of Prof effor F. W. Putnam, read at i We, in this country, have not re-
the meeting of the Maine Hiftorical So- tained the European tafte for muflels
ciety in Portland, in December, 1882, and for razor-fhells {Solen).
which will appear in the report of the ^ The eating of fcallops {Peflen') has

been revived within a few years.

228 New Englifh Canaan.

and other fiflies fuch as England doth afford, and as good
for variety ; yea, many of them much better ; and the Na-
tives of the inland parts doe buy hookes of us, to catch
them with : and I have knowne the time that a Trouts
hooke hath yeelded a beaver fkinne, which hath bin a good
commodity to thofe that have bartered them away.

Thefe things I offer to your confideration, (curteous
Reader,) and require you to fhew mee the like in any part of
the knowne world, if you can.

^Chap. VIII

Foode and
Fire.

Noe Boggs.

Perfumed
aire with
fweet herbes.

Of the goodnes of the Country and the Waters,

NOw fmce it is a Country fo infinitely bleft with foode,
and fire, to roafl or boyle our Flefh and Fifti, why
fhould any man feare for cold there, in a Country warmer
in the winter than fome parts of France, and neerer the
Sunne : unles hee be one of thofe that Salomon bids goe to
the Ant and the Bee.

There is no boggy ground knowne in all the Country,
from whence the Sunne may exhale unwholfom vapors:
But there are divers arematicall herbes and plants, as Saffa-
fras, Mufke Rofes, Violets, Balme, Lawrell, Hunnifuckles,
and the like, that with their vapors perfume the aire ; and it
has bin a thing much obferved that fhipps have come from
Virginea where there have bin fcarce five men able to hale a
rope, untill they have come within 40. Degrees of latitude

and

New Englifh Canaan. 229

and fmell the fweet aire of the fhore, where they have fud-
dainly recovered.^

And for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much ; of Waters.
for the Land is fo apt for Fountaines, a man cannot digg
amiffe: therefore if the Abrahams and Lots of our times
come thether, there needs be no contention for wells.

Befides there are waters of moil excellent vertues, worthy
admiration.

* At Ma-re-Mount there was a water,^ (by mee dif- ^ 93 The cure of
covered,) that is mofl excellent for the cure of Mel- Idar^mmnl

ancolly probatum.

At Weenafemute is a water, the vertue whereof is to The cure of
cure barrenneffe. The place taketh his name of that Foun- ''^^"'''^ ^'
taine which fignifieth quick fpring, or quickning fpring
probatum.^

Neere Squantos Chappell,* (a place fo by us called,) is a water pro-
Fountaine that caufeth a dead fleepe for 48. howres to thofe "dmd^epe.
that drinke 24. ounces at a draught, and fo proportionably.

The

1 A Itrong fpirit of emulation exilled ^ Winnifimmet, the Indian name of
in the early years of the feventeenth Chelfea. Upon the fignificance of the
century, between the advocates of New name Mr. Trumbull writes : " I have
England and thofe of Virginia, as fites my doubts about Morton's Weenafem-
for colonization. Morton was always a ute, but am incHned to believe that his
flanch New Englander, and in this interpretation is founded on fa6l. Af-
chapter, as well as in thofe which imme- hi?n {■= afim, in local diale6l) is once
diately precede and follow it, he lofes ufedby Eliot (C^;z/. i v. 12) for 'fountain.'
no opportunity to affert the fuperiority of It denotes a place from which water (for
the Maffachufetts climate and produ6ls drinking) is taken. Wi7in^afJLim, or
over thofe of the country further fouth. Wtnn^a/i?n, means 'the good fountain,'
It is needlefs to point out that his ad- or fpring ; and Winn^ afun-tit (or et) is
vocacy led him into ludicrouily wild 'at the good fpring.' The efficacy of
ftatements. the water ' to cure barrennefs ' may have

2 There is no natural fpring of any been Morton's embellifhment, but not
kind at Mount Wollafton, though water improbably was an Indian belief."

is eafily obtained by digging. * Squantum, in Quincy.

230 New Engli/k Canaan.

New Engl,
excels Ca-
naan infoun-
taines.

Milke and
Hony fup-
plied.

A plain pa-
ralell to Ca-
naan.

The Salvages, that are Powahs, at fet times ufe it, and re-
veale ftrang things to the vulgar people by meanes of it. So
that in the delicacy of waters, and the conveniency of them,
Canaan came not neere this Country.

As for the Milke and Hony, which that Canaan flowed
with, it is fupplyed by the plenty of birds, beafts and Fifh ;
whereof Canaan could not boaft her felfe.

Yet never the leffe, (fmce the Milke came by the induftry
of the firft Inhabitants,) let the cattell be chereflied that are
at this time in New England, and forborne but a litle, I will
afke no long time, no more but untill the Brethren have con-
verted one Salvage and made him a good Chriftian, and I
may be bold to fay Butter and cheefe will be cheaper there
then ever it was in Canaan. It is cheaper there then in old
England at this prefent ; for there are flore of Cowes,
confidering the people, which, (as my intelligence gives,) is
12000.-^ perfons: and in gods name let the people have
their defire, who write to their freinds to come out of
Sodome to the land of Canaan, a land that flowes with
Milke and Hony. . ,

^ This is a grofs exaggeration. Thom-
as Wiggin, in November, 1622, wrote:
" For the plantation in Mattachufetts,
the Englifh there being about 2000 peo-
ple, yonge and old." (iii. Mafs. Hiji.
Coll.., vol. viii. p. 322.) Writing on May
22, 1634, about the time Morton referred
to {Supra., 78), Governor Winthrop
fays : " For the number of our people,
we never took any furveigh of them,
nor doe we intend it, except inforced
throughe urgent occaiion (David's ex-
ample ftickes fomewhat with us) but I
efleeme them to be in all about 4000 :

foules and upwarde." {Proc. Mafs.
HiJi. Soc, Dec. 14, 1882.) So in the
//eti/ England's ProfpeR (p. 42), Wood
fpeaks of the population of Maffachu-
fetts as "foure thoufand foules." In
the fpring of 1634 there may have been
five hundred perfons in the Plymouth
colony, and as many more in New Hamp-
fhire and Maine, making a total New
England population of five thoufand at
the time Morton was writing. When
the New Canaan was publi^ed, how-
ever, in 1637, the population undoubt-
edly was as large as 12,000.

New EngliJJi Canaan. 2 3 1

* And I appeale to any man of judgement, whether ^ 94 The Keqneji
it be not a Land that for her excellent indowments of minaLn of

Nature may paffe for a plaine paralell to Canaan of Ifraell, ^"5^.^"'
being in a more temporat Climat, this being in 40. Degrees
and that in 30.

Chap. IX.

A Perfpe5live to view the Country by,

AS for the Soyle, I may be bould to commend the fertil- The Soyie.
ity thereof, and preferre it before the Soyle of Eng-
land, (our Native Country) ; and I neede not to produce
more then one argument for proffe thereof, becaufe it is fo
infallible.

Hempe is a thing by Hufband men in generall ageed The gmith
upon to profper befl in the mofl fertile Soyle : and experi- ^
ence hath taught this rule, that Hempe feede profpers fo
well in New England that it fhewteth up to be tenne foote
high and tenne foote and a halfe, which is twice fo high as
the ground in old England produceth it ; which argues New
England the more fertile of the two.-^

As for the aire, I will produce but one proffe for the main- The aire.
tenance of the excellency thereof ; which is fo generall, as I
affure myfelfe it will fuffice.

No man living there was ever knowne to be troubled with No cold
a cold, a cough, or a murre ; but many men, comming fick nmrre.

out

^ Supra^ 187, note 4.

232

New Englifh Canaan.

The plenty
of the Land.

Windes.

out of Virginea to New Canaan have inftantly recov-

^ 95 ered with the helpe of the purity * of that aire ; ^ no

man ever furfeited himfelfe either by eating or drinking.

As for the plenty of that Land, it is well knowne that no
part of Alia, Affrica or Europe affordeth deare that doe
bring forth any more then one fmgle faune ; and in New
Canaan the Deare are accuflomed to bring forth 2. and 3.
faunes at a time.^

Befides, there are fuch infinite flocks of Fowle and Multi-
tudes of fifh, both in the frefh waters and alfo on the Coaft,
that the like hath not elfe where bin difcovered by any
traveller.

The windes there are not fo violent as in England ; which
is prooved by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by
the Sea Coafl ; for there they doe not leane from the winde
as they doe in England : as we have heard before.^ ^1

1 This aflounding propofition was in
the early days of the fettlement not pe-
culiar to Morton. Higginfon, in his
New Englands Plantation, fpeaks of
the "extraordinary clear and dry air,
that is of a moft heahng nature to all
fuch as are of a cold, melancholy, phleg-
matic, rheumatic temper of body," and
concludes what he has to fay on the
fubje6l with his often-quoted fentiment
that "a fup of New-England's air is
better than a whole draught of Old
England's ale." (Young's Chron. of
Mafs., pp. 251-2.) Williams, too, fays
in his Key (ch. xiii.) : "The Nor-
Weft wind (which occafioneth New-
Efigland cold) comes over the cold
frozen Land, and over many millions
of Loads of Snow: and yet the pure
wholefomneffe of the Aire is wonder-
full, and the warmth of the Sunne, fuch
in the fharpeft weather, that I have
often feen the Natives Children runne

about llarke naked in the coldell
dayes." Again, in the pamphlet en-
titled New England'' s Firfl Fruits,
printed in London in 1643, it was ftated,
in reply to the obje6lion of extreme win-
ter cold, that "the cold there is no im-
pediment to health, but very wholfome
for our bodies, infomuch that all forts
generally, weake and llrong, had fcarce
ever fuch meafure of health in all their
lives as there. . . . Men are feldome
troubled in winter with coughes and
Rheumes." (i. Mafs. Hift. Coll., vol. i.
p. 249.) Jolfelyn, however, writing
nearly thirty years later, remarks :
"Some of our New-England writers
affirm that the Englifh are never, or
very rarely, heard to fneeze or cough,
as ordinarily they do in England, which
is not true." {Two Voyages, p. 184.)

2 Supra, 201, note 2.

3 Supra, *I7.

New Englifh Canaan. 233

The Raine is there more moderate then in England ; Raine.
which thing I have noted in all the time of my refidence to
be fo.

The Coaft is low Land, and not high Land : and hee is of The coaji.
a weake capacity that conceaveth otherwife of it, becaufe it
cannot be denied but that boats may come a ground in all
places along the Coaft, and efpecially within the Compas of
the Maffachufets patent, where the profpeft is fixed.^

The Harboures are not to be bettered for fafety and Harboures.
goodneffe of ground, for ancorage, and, (which is worthy
obfervation,) fhipping will not there be furred ; neither are
they fubje6l to wormes, as in Virginea and other places.

^ Let the Scituation alfo of the Country be confid- ^ 96 scUuation.
ered, (together with the reft which is difcovered in the
front of this abflra6l,) and then I hope no man will hold this
land unworthy to be intituled by the name of the fecond
Canaan.

And, fmce the Seperatifts are defirous to have the de- TJieNomU
nomination thereof, I am become an humble Suter on their
behalfe for your confents, (courteous Readers,) to it, before I
doe fhew you what Revels they have kept in New Canaan.^

Chapter X.

1 Wood in his Profpe^l (p. 2), refer- taking place. {Supra, 78.) Wood's
ring to the approach to Bofton Bay from Profpe6l was pubhfhed in 1634, and the
Cape Anne, had faid : "The furrounding conflant references to it in the firft two
fhore being high, and fhowing many books of the New Canaan fhow that
white Cliffes, in a moft pleafant prof- they were both written fubfequent to its
pe6l." pubhcation, probably during that year.

2 The Second Book of the New Ca- In the Third Book there are no allu-
naan, it would feem, originally ended fions to the Profpe^, and the reference
with this chapter. The next chapter to the Third Book in the Second
was an afterthought of the author, writ- {Supra, *5i), to which attention has
ten before December, 1635, as is evident already been called, fhow that it mull
from the allufions in it to events then have been written before the others,

and

234 A^(^w Englifh Canaan.

C H AP. X .

Of the Great Lake of Erocoife in New England, and
the commodities thereof

WEftwards from the Maffachufetts bay, (which lyeth in
42. Degrees and 30. Minutes of Northerne latitude,)
is fcituated a very fpacious Lake, (called of the Natives the
Lake of Erocoife,^) which is farre more excellent then the
Lake of Genezereth, in the Country of Paleftina, both in
refpeft of the greatnes and properties thereof, and likewife
of the manifould commodities it yealdeth : the circumference
of which Lake is reputed to be 240. miles at the leafl : and
it is diftant from the Maffachuffetts bay 300. miles, or there
Fowie innii- abouts \ ^ whcrcin are very many faire Iflands, where innumer-
able flocks of feverall forts of Fowle doe breede, Sw^annes,
Geefe, Ducks, Widgines, Teales, and other water Fowle.

There

and probably during the year 1633. p. 316.) On fome of the early maps it

It would feem to have been completed is put down ' Lake Champlain or Iro-

in May, 1634. There is, however, alfo coife.' It is fo called in Purchas's

a reference to be found in the Third Pilgri7}is (vol. iv. p. 1643). The region

Book to the Second (//^/r^s;, *i 20), but about the lake was fometimes called

it was probably interpolated during a Irocofia. The Iroquois lived on the

revifal of the manufcript. fouth of the lake, and, as their enemies

^ Now Lake Champlain. *' By the on the north approached them through

Indians north of the St. Lawrence and this lake, they naturally called it the

the Lakes, it was called the Lake of the Lake of the Iroquois." {MS. letter of

Iroquois, as Hkewife the River Riche- Rev. E. F. Slafter.)
lieu, connecting it and the River St. ^ The meafurement and diftance here

Lawrence, they called the River of the given are very nearly corre6l. Lake

Iroquois. Champlain difcovered the Champlain is 126 miles long by about

lake in 1609, and gave it his own name. 14 in width at its broadeft part. Bur-

( Voyages, Prince Soc. ed., vol. ii. pp. lington is not far from 240 miles from

210-20; ^^rkmsin's Pioneers of France, Bollon.

New Englifh Canaan. 235

* There are alfo more abundance of Beavers, Deare ^ 97
and Turkies breed about the parts of that lake then in
any place in all the Country of New England ; and alfo fuch Multitudes of
multitudes of fifh, (which is a great part of the foode that the ^^•
Beavers live upon,) that it is a thing to be admired at : So
that about this Lake is the principallft place for a plantation The prime
in all New Canaan, both for pleafure and proffit. ^can(^n.

Here may very many brave Townes and Citties be erected,
which may have intercourfe one with another by water, very
commodioufly : and it is of many men of good judgement
accounted the prime feate for the Metropolis of New Ca-
naan.^ From this Lake, Northwards, is derived the famous
River of Canada, (fo named of Monfier de Cane,^ a French canadajo
Lord that firfl planted a Colony of French in America, 'Mon/Jde
there called Nova Francia,) from whence Captaine Kerke^ ^''''''
of late, by taking that plantation, brought home in one

fhipp,

1 In regard to the imaginary attrac- of " the River Canada^ (fo called from
tions and advantages of Laconia and Monfieur Cane).''''

its great lake, .fee Belknap's American ^ On the breaking out of the war be-

Biography, vol. i. p. 377. tween England and France in 1627,

2 The two brothers, William and under the influence of Buckingham,
Emery de Caen, became prominent in Sir William Alexander had been inftru-
the hiftory of Canadian fettlement in mental in organizing an expedition to
1621, and remained fo for a number of feize the French poffeffions in America.
years. They did not, however, plant At its head were three Hug^uenots of
a colony of French in America, nor was Dieppe, — David, Louis and Thomas
the name of Canada, or of its famous Kirk, brothers. The expedition was
river, derived from their name. On fuccefsful, and on the 20th of July, 1629.
this point fee Parkman's Pioneers of Champlain furrendered Quebec to Louis
France, pp. 184, note, and 391-5. Mor- Kirk. Daniel Kirk, the admiral of
ton's derivation of the name Canada is the expedition, returned to England in
entitled to much the fame weight as his November of the fame year ; but his
derivation of the names Pantucket and brother Thomas remained in Canada
Mattapan. {Supra, 124.) It was not, and held Quebec as an Englifli conqueft
however, peculiar to him as, forty years until July, 1632, when, in accordance
later, Joffelyn alfo fpeaks {Rarities, p. 5) with the conditions of the peace of April

14.

Patomack.

236 New Englifh Canaan.

fhipp, (as a Seaman of his Company reported in my hearing,)
25000. Beaver fkinnes.^

And from this Lake, Southwards, trends that goodly
River, called of the Natives Patomack, which difchardgeth
herfelfe in the parts of Virginea ; from whence it is naviga-
ble by fhipping of great Burthen up to the Falls, (which
lieth in 41. Degrees and a halfe of North latitude,) and
from the Lake downe to the Falls by a faire current. This
River is navigable for veffels of good Burthen ; and thus
much hath often bin related by the Natives, and is of late
found to be certaine.^
Great heards * 98 * They havc alfo made defcription of great heards
of well growne beaits, that live about the parts of this

Lake,

of Beajts as
bigg as Cowes.

14, 1629, it was reftored to France.
See Kirke's Firjl EngliJJi Conqnejl of
Canada, pp. 63-93 ; Parkman's Pioneers
of France, pp. 401 -i i ; alfo Mr. Deane's
note in Proc. Mafs. Hifl. Soc. for 1875
-6 pp. 376-7.

^ The number of beaver-fkins really
carried to Engjland by Kirk was feven
thoufand. (Kirke's Firfl EnglifJt Con-
quefl of Canada, p. Z^:)

2 It is unneceffary to fay that Morton
was here writing at random. He con-
founds the Potomac with the Hudfon,
though, a few paragraphs further on
{Infra, *99), he ftates the fa6ls in regard
to the latter river correctly ; and the
latitude he gives has no fignificance, be-
ing that of Poughkeepfie, on the Hudfon,
and Cleveland, on Lake Erie. The Poto-
mac nowhere flows fo far north as 40°.
The falls referred to are probably
thofe of Niagara. They had not then
been difcovered (Parkman's Jefuits
in North America, p. 142), though
vague reports concerning them had
reached the French through the Indians,

and they are plainly indicated on Cham-
plain's map of 1629. {Voyages, Prince
Soc. ed., vol. i. p. 271, note.') Some
loofe flories in regard to the rivers, falls,
lakes and illands of the interior had
been picked up by Morton, probably in
his talks with feamen and others who
had taken part in Kirk's expedition.
He certainly fell in with thefe in Lon-
don, and it is more than likely that
at the houfe of Gorges he faw Cham-
plain's map of 1629; though upon that
the falls are placed at 43^ degrees of
latitude, inflead of at 4i|. In 1634 there
was no other map. On the ftrength of
the information thus gathered, he made
the ftatements contained in this chap-
ter. The little he knew had been
obtained in England, after his return
there in 1631 ; for the Maffachufetts In-
dians can hardly have known much of
the remote interior, and in 1630 no at-
tempts even at exploration away from
the feafhore had been made by the llrag-
gling occupants of the New England
coaft.

New EngliJJi Canaan. 237

Lake, fuch as the Chriftian world, (untill this difcovery,)
hath not bin made acquainted with. Thefe beafts are of the
bigneffe of a Cowe ; their Flefh being very good foode, their
hides good lether, their fleeces very ufefull, being a kinde
of wolle as fine almoft as the wolle of the Beaver ; and the
Salvages doe make garments thereof.

It is tenne yeares fince firft the relation of thefe things
came to the eares of the Englifh : at which time wee were
but flender proficients in the language of the Natives, and
they, (which now have attained to more perfeflion of Eng-
lifii,) could not then make us rightly apprehend their
meaninge.-^

Wee fiippofed, when they fpake of Beafi:s thereabouts as
high as men, they have made report of men all over hairy
like Beavers, in fo much as we queftioned them whether
they eate of the Beavers, to which they replyed Matta,^ (noe)
faying they were almoft Beavers Brothers. This relation at
that time wee concluded to be fruitles, which, fince, time
hath made more apparent.

About the parts of this Lake may be made a very greate
Commodity by the trade of furres, to inrich thofe that fliall
plant there ; a more compleat difcovery of thofe parts is, (to
my knowleadge,) undertaken by Henry lofeline,^ Efquier,

fonne

1 The ftories here referred to prob- \y ^\%m^^s, no-thing {Key, 182). Malta,
ably came from the Indians of Connec- as Morton gives it, is the fimple negative,
ticut and Maine, and referred to the ^ Henry Joffelyn was a brother of
rivers and lakes of New England, but John Joffelyn, author of A^ew E7iglands
were afterwards fuppofed to have had a Rarities and the Two Voyages to A^e-iU
wider fignificance. England, frequently quoted in the notes

2 Williams (^Key, 64) gives Machdug to this edition of the New Canaan. He
as the Indian word for No, but it real- came out from England in the intereft

line imployed
for difcovery.

238 New Engli/h Canaan.

fonne of Sir Thomas lofeline of Kent, Knight, by the appro-
bation and appointement of that Heroick and very good
Henry lofe- Common wealths man, Captaine lohn Mafon,^ Efquier,

^ 99 a ^ true fofter Father and lover of vertue, (who at his
owne chardge,) hath fitted Mafter lofeline and im-
ployed him to that purpofe ; who no doubt will performe as
much as is expe6led, if the Dutch, (by gettinge into thofe
parts before him,) doe not frullrate his fo hopefull and
laudable defignes.

It is well knowne they aime at that place, and have a pof-
fibility to attaine unto the end of their defires therein, by
meanes of the River of Mohegan, which of the Englifh is
named Hudfons River, where the Dutch have fetled two
well fortified plantations already. If that River be derived
from the Lake, as our Country man in his profpefl ^ affirmes

of Mafon, as Itated in the text, in 1634, preparing a life of Mafon, which would

and paffed the remainder of his life in unqueftionably have been a valuable

Maine, living at Black Point in the town addition to the hiftory of the fettlement

of Scarborough, He died in 1683. He of New England. The material he had

was deputy-governor of the province, colle6led is now in the poffeffion of his

and one of the mofb a6live and influen- family. In regard to the Laconia Com-

tial men in it, holding, through all pany and its proje6ls, fee Belknap's

changes of proprietorfhip and govern- Ainerican Biography^ under the title

ment, the moft important offices. See Gorges^ and Mr. Deane's note in the

Mr. Tuckerman's Introdu6lion to the Proc. Mafs. Hi/l. Soc, 1875-6, pp.

New Englands Rarities J Hiji.ofCum- 376-80.

berland County^ Maine, p, 362. ^ Wood's ftatement here referred to

^ Of Captain John Mafon of New is found on the firft page of the Prqf-

Hampfhire and the Laconia enterprife, pe^, and is as follows : " The Place

it is not neceffary to fpeak at length in whereon the Englijh have built their

this connexion. Mafon was the moft Colonies, is judged by thofe who have

prominent chara6ler in the early hiftory beft ik:ill in difcovery, either to bee an

of New Hampfliire, and the lofs which Ifland, furrounded on the North fide

his death, in December 1635, entailed with the fpacious River Cannada, and

on the proje6ls of Gorges and Morton on the South with Hudfons River, or

has already been referred to {Supra^yG). elfe a Peninfula, thefe two Rivers over-

The late Charles W. Tuttle, of Bofton lapping one another, having their rife

was at the time of his death engaged in from the great Lakes which are not farre

off

New Englifh Canaan. 239

it to be, and if they get and fortifie this place alfo, they will
gleane away the befl of the Beaver both from the French
and the Englifh, who have hitherto lived wholely by it ; and
very many old planters have gained good eftates out of fmall
beginnings by meanes thereof.

And it is well knowne to fome of our Nation that have The Dutch
lived in the Dutch plantation that the Dutch have gained tradfo/BTa-
by Beaver 20000. pound a yeare.' ^ Jni^fet:

The Salvages make report of 3. great Rivers that iffue
out of this Lake, 2. of which are to us knowne, the one to
be Patomack, the other Canada : and why may not the
third be found there likewife, which they defcribe to trend
weftward, which is conceaved to difcharge herfelfe into the
South Sea ? The Salvages affirme that they have feene
fhipps in this Lake with 4. Mafts, which have taken from
thence for their ladinge earth, that is conjeftured to be
fome minerall ftuffe.

* There is probability enough for this; and it may * 100
well be thought that fo great a confluxe of waters as are
there gathered together, mufl be vented by fome great Riv-
ers ; and that if the third River, (which they have made men-
tion of,) proove to be true, as the other two have done, there The parage
is no doubt but that the paffage to the Eafl India may be VidL. ''"^
obtained without any fuch daingerous and fruitleffe inquefl
by the Norweft, as hetherto hath bin endeavoured : And
there is no Traveller of any refonable capacity but wall

graunt

off one another, as the Indians doe cer- ported from the New Netherlands,

tainly informe us." valued at about /i2,ooo. (O'Calla-

1 In 1631 no lefs than 15,174 fkins, ghan's New Netherlands^. 139.)
the greater portion beaver, were ex-

240 New Englifh Canaan.

graunt that about this Lake mufl be innumerable fpringes,

and by that meanes many fruitful! and pleafant paftures all

about it. It hath bin obferved that the inland part, (witnes

Neepnet,^) are more pleafant and fertile then the borders of

The Country the Sea coafte. And the Country about Erocoife is, (not

fertUeTs"'^ without good caufe,) compared to Delta, the mofl fertile

^.^am^- p^j.^^ j^ ^ij ^gypt, that aboundeth with Rivers and Rivalets

derived from Nilus fruitfull channell, like vaines from the

liver ; fo in each refpe6t is this famous Lake of Erocoife.

And, therefore, it would be adjudged an irreparable over-
fight to protrafl time, and fuffer the Dutch, (who are but
intruders upon his Majeflies molt hopefull Country of New
England,) to poffeffe themfelves of that fo plefant and
commodious Country of Erocoife before us : being, (as ap-
peareth,) the principall part of all New Canaan for planta-
tion, and not elfewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne

world.

NEW

^ The Nipmucks, or Nipnets, inhab- i^HiJl. of Worcejler County^ vol. i. p.
ited the prefent county of Worcefter. 8.)

New Englifh Canaan. 241

* lOI

NEW CANAANS GENIVS.
EPILOGVS.

Hou that art by Fates degree,
Or Providence, ordain d to fee
Natures wonder, her richjiore
Ne-r difcovered before,
Til admired Lake of Erocoife
And fertile Borders, now rejoyce.
See what multitudes offifh
Shee prefents to fitt thy difh.
If rich furres thou dofi adore.
And of Beaver Fleeces flore.
See the Lake where they abound.
And what pleafures els are found.
There chafl Leda, free from fire.
Does enjoy her hearts defire ;
Mongfl theflowry bancks at eafe
Live thefporting Najades,
Bigg lim'd Druides, whofe browes
Bewtified with greenebowes.
See the Nimphes, how they doe make
Fine Meanders from the Lake,
Twining in and out, as they
Through the p leaf ant groves make way,

Weaving

242 New Englifh Canaan.

Weaving by thejhady trees
Curious AnaJioma/eSy
* 102 ^ Where the harmeles Turtles breede^

Andfuch ufefull Beajis doe feede
As no Traveller can tell
Els where how to paralell.
Colcos golden Fleece rejeB ;
This deferveth bejl refpe^.
InfweetePeans let thy voyce.
Sing the praife of Erocoife,
Peans to advaunce her name,
New Canaans everlajling fame.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,

OR NEW CANAAN.
The Third Booke.

Containing a defcription of the People that are
planted there, what remarkable Accidents have
happened there fince they were fetled, what
Tenents they hould, together with the pra6life
of their Church.

Ch AP . I .

Of a great League made with the Plimmouth Planters after
their arrivall, by the Sachem of thofe Territories}

He Sachem of the Territories where the

Planters of New England are fetled, that are
the firfl of the now Inhabitants of New Canaan,
not knowing what they were, or whether ^
they would be freindes or foes, and ^ being

defirous

^ This is a confufed, rambling ac- which took place during the firfl year
count of the famihar Indian incidents after the landing at Plymouth. There

244 New Englifh Canaan.

A Salvage
fent an Am-
hajjador to
the Engli/h
at their firji-
comminge.

defirous to purchafe their freindfhip that hee might
have the better Affurance of quiet tradinge with them,
(which hee conceived would be very advantagious to him,)
was defirous to prepare an ambaffador, with commiffion to
treat on his behalfe, to that purpofe ; and having one that
had beene in England (taken by a worthleffe man ^ out of
other partes, and after left there by accident,) this Salvage^
hee inftrufted how to behave himfelfe in the treaty of
peace ; and the more to give him incouragement to adven-
ture his perfon amongfl thefe new come inhabitants, which
was a thinge hee durfl not himfelfe attempt without fecurity
or hoflage, promifed that Salvage freedome, who had beene
detained there as theire Captive : which offer hee accepted,
and accordingly came to the Planters, falutinge them with
wellcome in the Englifh phrafe, which was of them admired
to heare a Salvage there fpeake in their owne language, and
ufed him great courtefie : to whome hee declared the caufe
of his comminge, and contrived the bufmeffe fo that hee
brought the Sachem and the Englifh together, betweene
whome was a firme league concluded, which yet continueth.

After

is nothing of hiftorical value in it, and
nothing which has not been more ac-
curately and better told by Bradford,
Winflow, Mourt and Smith,

1 Captain Thomas Hunt, who com-
manded one of the veflels of Smith's
fquadron, in his voyage of 1614. (Brad-
ford, p. 95.)

2 Morton, in this chapter, confounds
Samofet with Squanto. It was Squanto
who was kidnapped by Hunt and had
been in England, but it was Samofet who
walked into the Plymouth fettlement,
on the 26th of March [n. s.], 1621,

and faluted the planters with "well-
come in the Enghfh phrafe." Squanto
was a native of Plymouth, but Samo-
fet belonged at Pemaquid, in Maine.
(Mourt, Dexter's ed., note 295, p. 83.)
Hence Morton fpeaks of his having
been detained by MafTafoit as a captive.
He apparently came to MaiTachufetts the
year before on Captain Dermer's veffel,
in company with Squanto. Dr. Dexter
is ferioufly in error in his account of
Squanto in note 315 of his edition of
Mourt. Squanto could not have been
one of the Weymouth captives of 1605.

New Englifh Canaan. 245

After which league the Sachem, being in company with the
other whome hee had freed and fuffered to Hve with the
EngHfh, efpijnge a place where a hole had been made in
the grounde, where was their flore of powder layed to be
preferved from danger of fire, (under ground,) demaunded of
the Salvage what the Englifh had hid there under ground ;
who anfwered the plague;^ at which hee ftarteled, TheSachem

becaufe of the great mortality lately ^ happened by ^105 HafJ^^
meanes of the plague,^ (as it is conceaved,) and the
Salvage, the more to encreafe his feare, told the Sachem
if he fhould give offence to the Englifh party they would
let out the plague to deftroy them all, which kept him in
great awe. Not longe after, being at varience with another
Sachem borderinge upon his Territories, he came in fol-
emne manner and intreated the governour that he would
let out the plague to deflroy the Sachem and his men who
were his enemies, promifing that he himfelfe and all his
poflerity would be their everlalling freindes, fo great an
opinion he had of the Englifh.

C HAP. II.

Of the entertainement of Mr, Weflons people fent to fettle a

plantation there.

Afler Thomas Weflon,^ a Merchant of London that
had been at fome coft to further the Brethren of new

Plimmouth

^ This is the familiar anecdote of 2 See/upra, 133, note.
Squanto. (Bradford, p. 113 ; Young's 3 The moll conne6led account of
Chron. of Pilg., p. 292.) Thomas Wefton and his abortive plan-

tation

246 New Englifh Canaan.

Plimmouth in their defignes for thefe partes, fhipped a com-
pany of Servants, fitted with provition of all forts, for the
undertaking of a Plantation to be fetled there ; with an
intent to follow after them in perfon. Thefe fervants at firfl
Court holy arived at new Plimmouth, where they were entertained with
Fiimmouth. court holy bread by the Brethren: they were made very
wellcome, in fhew at lealt : there thefe fervants goodes were
landed, with promifes to be affifted in the choife of a con-
venient place ; and ftill the good cheare went forward, and
the ftrong liquors walked. In the meane time the Brethren
were in confultation what was bell for their advantage, fing-

ing the fonge, FrMjira fapit, qui Jibi non fapit.
* 106 * This plantation would hinder the prefent praflice
and future profit ; and Mafter Wefton, an able man,
would want for no fupplies upon the returne of Beaver, and
fo might be a plantation that might keepe them under, who
had a Hope to be the greateft : befides his people were no
chofen Seperatifts, but men made choice of at all adven-
tures, fit to have ferved for the furtherance of Mailer Wef-
tons undertakinges : and that was as much as hee neede to
care for : ayminge at Beaver principally for the better effe6l-
ing of his purpofe. Now when the Plimmouth men began
to finde that Mafter Wellons mens ftore of provition grew
fhort with feafling, then they hafled them to a place called
Weffagufcus, in a weake cafe, and there left them faffing.

Chapter III.

tation at Weffaguflet, already referred 22. Winflow in Young's C^r^?;^. ^Z*//^.,

to {Supra, 2), is that contained in Ad- Bradford, and Phinehas Pratt (iv. Mafs.

^.ms's A ddre/s on the 2^oth A nnii/erfary Hiji. Coll., vol. iv.) are the original au-

of the Settlement of Weymouth, pp. 5- thorities.

New Englifh Canaan. 247

Chap. III.

Of a Battle fought at the MaJ/achuJ/ets, betweene the Englifh

and the French}

THe Planters of Plimmouth, at their laft being in thofe
parts, having defaced the monument of the ded at Pa-
fonageffit, (by taking away the herfe Cloath, which was two
greate Beares fkinnes fowed together at full length, and
propped up over the grave of Chuatawbacks mother,^) the
Sachem of thofe territories, being inraged at the fame,
ftirred up his men in his bee halfe to take revenge : and,
having gathered his men together, hee begins to make an
oration in this manner. When laft the glorious light
of all the * fkey was underneath this globe, and Birds ^ 107
grew filent, I began to fettle, (as my cuftome is,) to
take repofe ; before mine eies were faft clofed, mee thought A/pirit

1 This is a wholly confufed and mif- viiit to thofe parts, prior to the "battle"
leading account of the Ikirmifh which fpoken of in this chapter, was in No-
took place between the Plymouth party, vember, 1622 (Young's Chron. of Pilg.
under command of Miles Standifh, and p. 302), when they got little in the way
the Maffachufetts Indians Hving near of fupplies, and heard nothing but com-
WeiTaguffet, immediately after the kill- plaints from the Indians of Wefton's peo-
ing of Peckfuot and Wituwamat, in pie, who had then been feveral months
March, 1623. The corre6l account of at Weffaguffet. It is far more proba-
the affair is in Young's Chron. of Pilg., ble that thefe latter ftripped the grave
p. 341. Why Morton fpeaks of it as at Paffonageffit. In any event there can
a battle between the Englifh and the be little doubt that Morton himfelf had
French is inexplicable. vifited the fpot while taking his " furvey

2 See /^//r^, pp. 11, 162, 170. The of the country" during Uie previous
Plymouth people may have defpoiled fummer (Supra, 6), and it is quite clear
the grave of Chickatawbut's mother of that the defpoiling the grave had no con-
its bear-{kins during fome one of their ne6lion with the fubfequent " battle," in
earlier vifits to Bofton Bay. Their laft which Chickatawbut took no part.

Tlie Sachems
Oration.

nioovitig the
Sachem to
Warre.

248

New Englifh Canaan.

The grand
Captajne
makes a
fpeech.

The maine
Battaile.

I faw a vifion, (at which my fpirit was much troubled,) and,
trembling at that dolefull light, a fpirit cried aloude behold,
my fonne, whom I have cherifht, fee the papps that gave
thee fuck, the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee
oft, canfl: thou forget to take revenge of thofe uild people
that hath my monument defaced in defpitefull manner, dif-
daining our ancient antiquities and honourable Cuitomes ?
See now the Sachems grave lies like unto the common peo-
ple of ignoble race, defaced ; thy mother doth complaine,
implores thy aide againft this theevifh people new come
hether; if this be fuffered I fhall not reft in quiet within
my everlafting habitation. This faid, the fpirit vanifhed ;
and I, all in a fweat, not able fcarce to fpeake, began to
gett fome ftrength, and recoiled my fpirits that were fled :
all which I thought to let you underftand, to have your
Councell, and your aide likewife ; this being fpoken, ftraight
way arofe the grand Captaine and cried aloud, come, let us
to Armes, it doth concerne us all, let us bid them Battaile ;
fo to Armes they went, and laid weight for the Plimmouth
boate ; and, forceinge them to forfake their landinge place,
they feeke another beft for their convenience ; thither the
Salvages repaire, in hope to have the like fucceffe ; but all
in vaine, for the Englifh Captaine warily forefaw, and, per-
ceavinge their plot, knew the better how to order his men

fit for Battaile in that place ; hee, bouldly leading his
* 108 men on, rainged about the feild to and fro,* and,

taking his beft advantage, lets fly, and makes the
Salvages give ground : the Englifli followed them fiercely
on, and made them take trees for their flielter, (as their
cuftome is,) from whence their Captaine let flie a maine ; yet

New Englifh Canaan. 249

no man was hurt ; at laft, lifting up his right arm to draw

a fatall ihaft, (as hee then thought to end this difference),

received a fhott upon his elbow/ and ftraight way fled;

by whofe example all the army followed the fame way,

and yealded up the honor of the day to the Englifh party ; ThefeUd

who were fuch a terror to them after that the Salvages durfl ""Engiipt^. ^^'

never make to a head againfl them any more.

Chap. IV.

Of a Parliament held at Wejfagufcus, and the A5les,

After Weftons Plantation beinge fetled at Weffagufcus,
his Servants, many of them lazy perfons that would Some lazy
ufe no endeavour to take the benefit of the Country, fome ^*
of them fell ficke and died.

One amongfl the reft, an able bodied man that ranged a lujiy
the woodes to fee what it would afford, lighted by accident -'^ ^'^*
on an Indian barne, and from thence did take a capp full of
corne ; the Salvage owner of it, finding by the foote fome
Englifh had bin there, came to the Plantation, and made
complaint after this manner.

^ The cheife Commander of the Company one this * 109 Apoorecom-
occation called a Parliament of all his people, but Edward

thofe that were ficke and ill at eafe. And wifely now they ff^'/^,.

mufl Y''-'^''\\

fiatnous fact.
^ *' Infomucb as our men could have who, together with another both dif-
but one certain mark, and then but the charged at once at him, and brake his
arm and half face of a notable villain, as arm." (Young's Chron. ofPilg., p. 341 •)
he drew [his bow] at Captain Standifh ;

250 New Englifh Canaan.

mufl confult upon this huge complaint, that a privy knife or
Itringe of beades would well enough have qualified; and
Edward lohnson was a fpetiall judge of this bufineffe ; the
fa6l was there in repetition ; conftru6lion made that it was
fellony, and by the Lawes of England punifhed with death ;
and this in execution mufl be put for an example, and like-
wife to appeafe the Salvage : when ftraight wayes one arofe,
mooved as it were with fome compaffion, and faid hee could
not well gaine fay the former fentence, yet hee had con-
ceaved within the compaffe of his braine an Embrion that
was of fpetiall confequence to be delivered and cherifhed ;
hee faid that it would moft aptly ferve to pacific the Salv-
ages complaint, and fave the life of one that might, (if neede
fliould be,) fland them in fome good fteede, being younge
and fhronge, fit for refiflance againfl an enemy, which might
come unexfpefted for any thinge they knew. The Oration
made was liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede
to fhew the meanes how this may be performed : fayes hee,
A fine device, you all agrcc that one mull die, and one Ihall die; this
younge mans cloathes we will take of, and put upon one
that is old and impotent, a fickly perfon that cannot efcape
death, fuch is the difeafe one him confirmed that die hee
mufl ; put the younge mans cloathes on this man, and let
the fick perfon be hanged in the others fleede : Amen fayes

one ; and fo fayes many more,
^iio *And this had like to have prooved their finall

fentence, and, being there confirmed by A61 of Par-
liament, to after ages for a Prefident : But that one with a
ravenus voyce begunne to croake and bellow for revenge ;
and put by that conclufive motion, alledging fuch deceipts

misfht

A wife Sen
tence.

To hange a
fick man in
the others
fieede.

New Englifh Canaan.

2sl

might be a meanes hereafter to exafperate the mindes of
the complaininge Salvages, and that by his death the Salv-
ages fhould fee their zeale to luflice ; and therefore hee very fit
fhould die : this was concluded ; yet nevertheleffe a fcruple ^''-^^^^'
was made ; now to countermaund this a6t, did reprefent
itfelfe unto their mindes, which was, how they fhould doe to
get the mans good wil ? this was indeede a fpetiall obftacle :
for without that, they all agreed it would be dangerous for a dangerous
any man to attempt the execution of it, lefl mifcheife fhould ^^^^'^^^•
befall them every man ; hee was a perfon that in his wrath
did feeme'^to be a fecond Sampfon, able to beate out their
branes with the jawbone of an Affe : therefore they called lefimg
the man, and by perfwation got him faft bound in jefl ; and ^earluji*"
then hanged him up hard by in good earneft,^ who with a

weapon,

^ This is the famous Weffaguffet
hanging which Butler introduced into
his poem of Hudibras (Canto II. lines
409-36), in the paffage already referred
to {Supra^ 96). It is as follows : —

" Our Brethren of New-England ufe
Choice malefadors to excufe,
And hang the Guiltlefs in their ftead,
Of whom the Churches have lefs need ;
As lately 't happen'd : In a town
There iiv'd a Cobler, and but one,
That out of Dodrine could cut Ufe,
And mend men's hves as well as fhoes.
This precious Brother having flain,
In times of peace an Indian,
(Not out of malice, but mere zeal,
Becaufe he was an Infidel),
The mighty Tottipottymoy
Sent to our Elders an envoy,
Complaining forely of the breach
Of league held forth by Brother Patch,
Againll the articles in force
Between both churches, his and ours,

For which he craved the Saints to render
Into his hands, or hang th' offender ;
But they maturely having weigh'd
They had no more but him o' th' trade,
(A man that ferved them in a double
Capacity, to teach and cobble),
Refolv'd to fpare him ; yet to do
The Indian Hoghan Moghan too
Impartial juftice, in his ftead did
Hang an old Weaver that was bed rid."

That a man was hung at WefTaguiTet,
in March 1623, for ftealing corn" from
the Indians, there can be no doubt.
There is equally little doubt that it was
the real thief who was hung. (Pratt's
Relation, iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iv.
p. 491 ; Yoyng's Chro7t. ofPilg., p. 332 ;
Bradford, p. 130.) I have already {Su-
pra, 96) given my own theory as to how
the incident came to take the fhape it
did in Butler's poem. He wrote, I
think, from a vague recolle6fion of an

252 New Englifh Canaan.

weapon, and at liberty, would have put all thofe wife judges

of this Parliament to a pittifull non plus, (as it hath beene

credibly reported,) and made the cheife

ludge of them all buckell to

him.

Ill

^Chap. V

Of a MaJJacre made upon the Salvages at WeJJagufcus,

AFter the end of that Parliament, fome of the plantation
there, about three perfons,^ went to live with Checa-
Good quarters tawback and his company ; and had very good quarter, for all

the

with the Sal-
vages

amufing traveller's-flory, which he had
heard told fomewhere years before.
There is no reafon to fuppofe that he
had ever feen the New Canaan.

It has always been affumed that But-
ler's verfion of the affair, — the vicari-
ous execution verfion, — coming out as
it did in 1664, at a period of violent
readlion againll Puritanifm, and when
the New England colonies were in ex-
treme popular disfavor, — obtained a
foothold in Englifh popular tradition;
much fuch a foothold, in fa6l, as the
Conne6licut Blue Laws. It was an in-
tangible fomething, always at hand to
be caft as a mocking reproach in the
face of a fan6Hmonious community. As
fuch it was fure to be refented and dif-
proved ; but never by any difproof could
it be exorcifed from the popular mind,
or finally fet at reft. This may have
been the cafe, and the references to the
matter in Hutchinfon (vol. i. p. 6, note\
in Hubbard (p. 77), and in Grahame
(Ed. 1845, vol. i. p. 202, note), certainly
look that way. I do not remember, how-

ever, to have myfelf ever met this partic-
ular charge among the many and Angular
charges, much more abfurd, which Eng-
lifh writers have from time to time grave-
ly advanced againft America. In Uring's
Voyages (p. 116-8) there is a Angular
account of a fimilar vicarious execution,
which never could have met the eye of
the author of Hudzbras, inafmuch as it
was not pubhfhed until 1726; but it
fhows that either fome fuch event did
take place, or that its having taken
place was at one period a ftock travel-
ler's-tale.

1 Three of Wefton's company were
among the Maffachufetts Indians at the
time of the Weffaguffet killing ; one of
the three had before domefticated him-
felf with them ; the other two, difre-
garding Standifh's orders, had ftraggled
off, the day before the maflacre, to a
neighboring Indian village. After the
maffacre the favages put all three to
death by torture. (Pratt's Narrative,
IV. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iv. p. 486 ;
Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 344.)

roni
Plimmouth.

New Englifh Canaan. 253

the former quarrell with the Plimmouth planters : they are
not like Will Sommers,^ to take one for another. There
theypurpofed to ftay untill Mafter Weftons arrivall : but the
Plimmouth men, intendinge no good to him, (as appered by
the confequence,) came in the meane time to Weffagufcus, Apiottf,
and there pretended to fealt the Salvages of thofe partes,
bringing with them Porke and thinges for the purpofe,
which they fett before the Salvages. They eate thereof
without fufpition of any mifcheife, who were taken upon a
watchword given, and with their owne knives, (hanging salvages
about their neckes,) were by the Plimmouth planters ftabd fkeirZT
and flaine : one of which were hanged up there, after the "'"'"'P'''''-
{laughter.^

In the meane time the Sachem had knowledge of this acci- N^ews car-
dent, by one that ranne to his Countrymen, at the Maffachuf-
fets, and gave them intelligence of the newes ; after which
time the Salvages there, confultinge of the matter, in the

night,

1 Will Sommers was the famous jeft- probably the one Morton had in mind.

er and court fool of Henry VIII. His Gates is reprefented as giving an earl,

witticifms are frequently met with in the the gueft of his patron, Sir William

plays and annals of the period ; and the Hollis, " a found box on the ear," for

portrait, faid to be by Holbein and of faluting Lady Hollis, and then excufed

him, looking through a window and tap- himfelf on the ground of " knowing not

ping on the glafs, was formerly a prom- your eare from your hand, being fo like

inent feature in the gallery at Hampton one another." (Doran's Court Fools,

Court. It is very queftionable, how- p. 182.) Remembering this ftory in the

ever, whether the ftory alluded to in Nejl of Ninnies, yiQ>x\.Q>n,^\\h\\\^ well-

the text belongs to Sommers. He developed faculty for getting everything

had been dead eighty years or more wrong, feems to have fathered it on the

when Morton wrote, and the ftories moft famous and popular of the occu-

conne<5led with him had been gotten pants of the Neji.

together by Armin, and printed in his 2 Yox the detailed account of the Wef-

Ne/l of Ninnies, in 1608. This book fagulTet killing, fee Winflow's Relation

Morton had probably feen. In it there in Young's Chron. of Pilg., pp. 336-41 ;

is a ftory of another famous fool, Jack Adams's 250//^ Anniverfary of Wey-

Oates, of an earlier period, which is mouth, pp. 18-22.

ried.

2 54 New Englifh Canaan.

A revenge. night, (when the other Englifh feareles of danger were a
fleepe,) knockt them all in the head, in revenge of the
"^112 death of their * Countrymen : but if the Plimmouth
Planters had really intended good to Mailer Wefton,
or thofe men, why had they not kept the Salvages alive in
Cuflody, untill they had fecured the other Englifh ? Who,
by meanes of this evill mannaginge of the bufnieffe, loft
their lives, and the whole plantation was diffolved there-
upon ; as was likely, for feare of a revenge to follow, as a
relatione to this cruell antecedent ; and when Mafter Wefton
came over hee found thinges at an evill exigent, by meanes
thereof : But could not tell how it was brought about.

The Salvages of the Maffachuffets, that could not imagine
from whence thefe men fhould come, or to what end, feeing
them performe fuch unexpe6ted aftions ; neither could tell
by what name properly to diftinguifh them ; did from that
time afterwards call the Englifh Planters Wotawquenange,^
The Salvages which iu their language fignifieth ftabbers, or Cutthroates :
Tijfit cut ''^' and this name was received by thofe that came there after
for good, being then unacquainted with the fignification
of it, for many yeares following ; untill, from a Southerly
Indian that underftood Englifh well, I was by demonftration
made to conceave the interpretation of it, and rebucked thefe
other that it was not forborne : The other callinge us by
the name of Wotoquanfawge, what that doth fignifie, hee

faid,

1 Mr. Trumbull, in a note (125) to Wil- wautacone-nuaog (A Williams. This,
liams's Key (p. 59), explains a blunder Morton confounded with another name
here made by Morton. The corre6l for Englifhmen, chauguaqock, mean-
word is wotawquenauge, which means ing, "knife- [/. ^., fword-] men," which
"coat-men," or men wearing clothes, the he' underftood to mean " cut-throats."

throats.

New Englifh Canaan. 255

faid, hee was not able by any demonflration to expreffe ;

and my neighbours durfl no more, in my hearinge, call us

by the name formerly ufed, for feare of my

difpleafure.

^Chap. VI. *ii3

Of the furprizinge of a Merchants Shipp in Plimmouth

harbour,

THis Merchant, a man of worth, arrivinge in the parts The Mer-
of New Canaan and findinge that his Plantation was ^suppiy!^
diffolved, fome of his men flaine, fome dead with licknes,
and the reft at Plimmouth, hee was perplexed in his minde
about the matter ; comminge as hee did with fupply, and
meanes to have rafed their fortunes and his one exceedingly :
and feeinge what had happened refolved to make fome ftay
in the Plimmouth harbour.^ And this futed to their pur-
pofe; wherefore the Brethren did congratulate with him

1 Wefton, in 1622, got into ferious a companion or two, in an open boat,
trouble with the Englifh government, in for Maffachufetts Bay. He was wrecked
regard to fome ordnance and military near the mouth of the Merrimac, and
ftores, which he had obtained a licenfe barely efcaped with his life. The fav-
to fend to New England, and had then ages there ftripped him to his fliirt, and
fold to the French, with whom the Eng- in this plight he reached Thomfon's
lifh were at war. (Bradford, p. 150.) He plantation at Pifcataqua. Thence he
feems to have been in hiding in confe- found his way to Plymouth, arriving
quence of this tranfaftion ; and early in there, not as Morton fays, " with fupply
1623 went on board of one of the fifh- and means to have raifed [his compa-
ing-veffels in the difguife of a black- ny's] fortunes," but in abfolute deftitu-
fmith, and came out in her to the fta- tion. Bradford's account of his recep-
tions on the Maine coaft. There he tion and of what enfued (pp. 133-4, 149
mufl have learned of the extreme ftraits, -53) is very different from that given
if not of the abandonment, of his planta- in the text ; and, it is hardly neceflary
tion at Weffaguffet, and he fet out, with to add, reads much more like the truth.

256

New Englifk Canaan.

^ S^ojjfe upon
the falfe text

Where two
natio7ts meet
one mujl rule
the other
mujlbe ru-
led or no
quietnes.

at his fafe arrivall, and their beft of entertainement for a
fwetning cafl, deploring the difafter of his Plantation, and
glozing upon the text, alledging the mifcheivous intent of
the Salvages there, which by freindly intelligence of their
neighbours was difcovered before it came to be full fummed :
fo that they loil not all, allthough they faved not all : and
this they pretended to proceede from the Fountaine of love
and zeale to him and Chriflianity, and to chaftife the info-
lency of the Salvages, of which that part had fome danger-
ous perfons. And this, as an article of the new creede
of Canaan, would they have received of every new com-
mer there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a dangerous

people, fubtill, fecreat and mifcheivous ; and that it
"^ 114 is dangerous to live feperated, but ^ rather together:

and fo be under their Lee, that none might trade for
Beaver, but at their pleafure, as none doe or fhall doe there :
nay they will not be reduced to any other fong yet of the
Salvages to the fouthward of Plimmouth, becaufe they
would have none come there, fayinge that hee that will lit
downe there muft come flronge : but I have found the
Maffachuffets Indian more full of humanity then the Chrif-
tians ; and haue had much better quarter with them ; yet I
obferved not their humors, but they mine ; althoug my
great number that I landed were diffolved, and my Com-
pany as few as might be : ^ for I know that this falls out
infallibly where two Nations meete, one muft rule and the
other be ruled, before a peace can be hoped for : and for a
Chriftian to fubmit to the rule of a Salvage, you will fay,

^ Supra ^ 14.

New Englifh Canaan. 257

is both fhame and diflionor : at leaft it is my opinion, and

my praftife was accordingly, and I have the better quarter

by the meanes thereof. The more Salvages the better

quarter, the more Chriftians the worfer quarter, I found ; as

all the indifferent minded Planters can teftifie. Now, whiles

the Merchant was ruminatinge on this mifhapp, the Plim-

mouth Planters perceivinge that hee had furniihed himfelfe

with excellent Commodities, fit for the Merchandife of the a Machiveii

Country, (and holding it good to fifh in trobled waters, and ^^'^*'

fo get a fnatch unfeene,) praftifed in fecret with fome other

in the land, whom they thought apt to imbrace the benefit The Vaiie.

of fuch a cheat, and it was concluded and refolved upon that

all this fhipp and goodes fhould be confifcated, for bufi-

neffe done by him, the Lord knowes when, or where : ^

*a letter mufl be framed to them, and handes unto "^ 115

it, to be there warrant; this fhould fhadow them.

That

1 The incident here alluded to was veffel in the courfe of the following fum-
the feizure of the Swan, under a war- mer, and recovered poffeffion of her.
rant iffued by Captain Robert Gorges, He then began to trade along the coaft.
acting as Lieutenant of the Council for Meanwhile, in September, Captain Rob-
New England, in November, 1623. The ert Gorges arrived, and immediately fet
Swan was a fmall veffel of 30 tons out to look for Wefton, in order to call
meafurement, which Wefton had fent him to account for the ordnance tranf-
out with his expedition, in 1622. His anions referred to in the preceding note,
plan was, when the larger velTel — the and alfo for the diforderly conduft of his
Charity, in which his company went people at WeflagufTet during the previ-
out — returned to England, to have the ous winter. Starting for the eaftward,
Swan remain in New England, to be he was driven into Plymouth Harbor by
ufed for trading purpofes. Accordingly, heavy weather, and while he was lying
all through the winter of 1622-3, it had there the Swan made its appearance
been at Weffaguffet, except when em- with Wefton on board. Bradford's ac-
ployed by the people there in obtaining count of what enfued, including the feiz-
fuppHes in conneaion with the Ply- ure of the veflel, differs toto cailo from
mouth people. When, in March, 1623, that in the text. He fays that Captain
Weffaguffet was abandoned, the com- Robert Gorges, afting as governor-
pany went in the Swan to the Maine general under his commiffion from the
fiftiing-ftations. Here Wefton found the Council for New England, at once organ-
ized

Shipp and
goodes coH'
fifcated.

258 New Englifk Canaan.

That is the firfh pra6life ; they will infane a man, and then
pretend that luftice muft be done. They caufe the Mer-
chant (fecure) to come a fhore, and then take him in hold,
fhewing they are compelled unto it legally, and enter flrait
abord, perufe the Cargazowne, and then deliver up the
Charge of her to their Confederates : and how much leffe
this is then Piraty, let any pradife in the Admiralty be
judge. The Merchant, his fhipp and goodes confifcated,
himfelfe a prifoner and threatned fo to be fent and conveyed
to England, there to receave the fomme of all that did
belonge to him a malefador, (and a great one to) ; this hee,
good man, indured with patience longe time, untill the beft

ized a fort of a court, —he, Bradford,
afting as an affiftant in it, — and proceed-
ed to arraign and try Wefton. As a refult
of the whole proceedings Gorges threat-
ened to fend Wefton under arreft back
to England. Through the interceffion of
Bradford, however, he was mollified,
and finally Wefton was releafed on his
own promife to appear when called for.
Gorges then went to Weffaguffet, leav-
ing Wefton with X^^^^Sivan at Plymouth.
After a time Gorges feems to have con-
cluded that it would be very convenient
for him to have control of the Swan^ at
any rate for that winter. Accordingly
he fent a warrant to Plymouth for its
feizure and the arreft of Wefton. Brad-
ford, not liking this proceeding, took
fome exception to the warrant, and re-
fufed to allow it to be ferved. At the
fame time it was intimated to Wefton
that he had better take himfelf and his
veffel off. This he would not do. Ap-
parently his crew was mutinous and
unruly, their wages* being long in ar-
rears, and the Swan deftitute of fup-
plies. He feems to have looked upon
arreft and feizure as the beft way out of

his difficulties. Prefently a new warrant
came from Gorges, and both veflel and
prifoner were removed to Weffaguffet.
This was in November. There they
paffed the winter of [623-4. Towards
ipring Gorges went in the Swan to the
eaftward, Wefton accompanying him,
apparently as a pilot. The tidings re-
ceived there led the difappointed young
Lieutenant of the Council to decide on
immediately returning to England. Ac-
cordingly he came back to Weffaguflet,
and thence went probably to the fiftiing-
ftations, very poffibly in the Swan.
Before leaving he effefted fome fort of
a fettlement with Wefton, — Bradford
intimates much to the advantage of the
latter, — who was releafed from arreft,
had his veffel reftored to him, and was
compenfated for whatever lofs he had
fuftained. Wefton thereupon reappeared
at Plymouth, and thence went to Vir-
ginia. He feems to have traded along
the coaft for fome years, but finally
drifted back to England, where in 1645
he died, at Briftol, of the plague. (Brad-
ford, pp. 149-53. Young's Chron. of
Pilg., pp. 296-8, 302.)

in partiai-
lar.

New Englifh Canaan, 259

of all his goodes were quite difperfed, and every aftor [had] when ruery
his proportion ; the Merchant was [then] inlarged ; his hTu hl^/Lre
fhipp, a burthen to the owner now, his undertakinges in ^u^-^f/ '^''
thefe partes beinge quite overthrowne, was redelivered, and ''<^'''''^-
bondes of him were taken not to profecute : hee, being Bonds taken
greived hereat, betakes him to drive a trade betweene that lutl!" ^'^''^^'
and Virginea many yeares. The brethren, (fharpe witted,)
had it fpread by and by amongfl his freinds in England, that Report Mr.
the man was mad. So thought his wife, fo thought his w/;'a?^
other freindes that had it from a Planter of the Towne. So ''^'''' '
was it thought of thofe, that did not know the Brethren
could diffemble : why, thus they are all of them honefl men Honeji men
in their particular, and every man, beinge bound to feeke
anothers good, ihall in the generall doe the beft hee
can to effect it, and fo they may be excufed I thinke.

^Chap. VII. ^116

Of Tho7nas Mortons entertainement at Plimmouth, and
cajiinge away upon an I/land}

THis man arrived in thofe parts, and, hearing newes of a
Towne that was much praifed, he was defirous to goe
thither, and fee how thinges ftood ; where his entertainement Brave enter-

tainement in
was a ivildernes.

1 This chapter relates to incidents of of another. The only time when "35

no apparent confequence, and of which ftout knaves " were landed, at all in the

there is no other record. It is not eafy way defcribed, at Plymouth, was in July,

even to fix the time at which they oc- 1622, when the C/z-^rz/y brought in there

curred, and it would feem as if Morton, Wefton's company. Yet Mo'rton fpeaks

in his rambling, incoherent way, had of there then being " three cows '' at

confufedtheeventsof one year with thofe Plymouth, which would indicate that

Morton's

26o New Engli/h Canaan.

The meanes.

Booke lear-
ning defpifed.

was their befl, I dare be bould to fay : for, although they
had but 3. Cowes in all/ yet had they frefh butter and a
fallet of egges in dainty wife, a difh not common in a wilder-
nes. There hee beftowed fome time in the furvey of this
plantation. His new come fervants, in the meane time,
were tane to tafke, to have their zeale appeare, and quef-
tioned what preacher was among their company ; and find-
ing none, did feeme to condole their eftate as if undone,
becaufe no man among them had the guift to be in lonas
fteade, nor they the meanes to keepe them in that path fo
hard to keepe.

Our Mailer, fay they, reades the Bible and the word of
God, and ufeth the booke of common prayer: but this is not
the meanes, the anfwere is : the meanes, they crie, alas,
poore Soules where is the meanes ? you feeme as if betrayed,
to be without the meanes : how can you be fbayed from fall-
inge headlonge to perdition ? Facilis de/cenfus averni : ^ the
booke of common prayer, fayd they, what poore thinge is
that, for a man to reade in a booke ? No, no, good firs, I

would you were neere us, you might receave comfort
* 1 1 7 by in^ftru6lion : give me a man hath the guiftes of

the fpirit, not a booke in hand. I doe profeffe fayes

Morton's arrival, referred to in the text,
was not in July 1622, but at fome time
fubfequent to the fpring of 1624, when
Winflow brought over "three heifers
and a bull, the firft beginning of any
cattle of that kind in the land." (Brad-
ford, p. 158.) Yet Wefton, again, had
no "barque" at Plymouth after 1623.
The chapter feems to have been intro-
duced fimply for the purpofe of working

one

on the church prejudices of Laud agairrft
the Puritans. (See/upra, 93-4.) There
is in it a combination of " the booke of
common prayer " and " claret fparklinge
neate," which is fuggeftive of the Book
of Sports as well as of " the Word of
God."

1 Bradford, p. 158.

2 Facilis defcenfus Averno. jEneid^
vi. 127.

New Englifh Canaan. 261

one, to live without the meanes is dangerous, the Lord doth
know.

By thefe inlinuations, Hke the Serpent, they did creepe
and winde into the good opinion of the ilHterate multitude,
that were defirous to be freed and gone to them, no doubdt,
(which fome of them after confeffed) ; and little good was to
be done one them after this charme was ufed : now plotts and
fa6tions how they might get loofe : and here was fome 35.
flout knaves ; and fome plotted how to fteale Mafter Weftons
barque, others, exafperated knavifhly to worke, would prac- vuianous
tife how to gett theire Mafter to an Ifland, and there leave \nL7s.
him; which hee had notice of, and fitted him to try what
would be done ; and fleps aborde his fhallop bound for
Cape Anne, to the Maffachuffets, with an Hogfhead of
Wine ; Sugar hee tooke along, the Sailes hoift up, and one
of the Confpirators aboard to fteere ; who in the mid way pre-
tended foule weather at the harboure mouth, and therefore,
for a time, hee would put in to an Ifland neere, and make
fome ftay where hee thought to tempt his Mafler to walke
the woods, and fo be gone: but their Mafter to prevent
them caufed the fales and oares to be brought a fhore, to Prei'ei2ted
make a tilt if neede fhould be, and kindled fire, broched "^ '^^''''^''''''
that Hogfhed, and caufed them fill the can with lufty liqour.
Claret fparklinge neate ; which was not fuffered to grow
pale and flatt, but tipled of with quick dexterity : the Maf- And di/ccrje-
ter makes a fhew of keepinge round, but with clofe
lipps did feeme *^ to make longe draughts, knowinge * 118
the wine would make them Proteftants ; and fo the
plot was then at large difclofed and difcovered, and they made
drowfie ; and the inconftant windes fliiftinge at night did

force

262 New Engli/h Canaan.

The Shallop
billedged.

Two men of
the Company
cajl away
fwim to
Jhore upon
trees.

force the kellecke home,^ and billedge the boat, that they
were forced to leave her fo, and cut downe trees that grew
by the fhore, to make Gaffes : two of them went over by
helpe of a fore faile almoft a mile to the maine ; the other
two flayed five dayes after, till the windes would ferve to fill
the failes. The firft two went to cape Ann by land, and had
fowle enough, and fowle wether by the way ; the Iflanders
had fifh enough, fhel-fifh and fire to roafi;, and they could not
perifh for lacke of foode, and wine they had to be fiire ; and
by this you fee they were not then in any want : the wine
and goodes brought thence ; the boat left there fo billedgd
that it was not worth the labor to be mended.

A Minijler
required to
renounce his
callinge.

Chap. VIII.

Of the Banifhment of Mafier lohn Layford, and John
Oldam from Plimmouth}

M After Layford was at the Merchants chardge fent to
Plimmouth plantation to be their Pafi:or : But the
Brethren, before they would allow of it, would have him
firft renounce his calling to the ofiice of the Minifiery, re-
ceived in England, as hereticall and Papifticall, (fo hee con-
feft,) and then to receive a new callinge from them,
* 1 19 after their fantafticall invention : ^ ^ which hee refufed,
alledging and maintaining that his calling as it flood

was

1 A killock is a fmall anchor. The
phrafe in the text means that the wind
caufed the boat to drag her anchor, and
Ihe went afhore and was ftove in.

2 The epifode of Lyford and Oldham,
in the hiftory of the Plymouth planta-

tion, is told in detail by Bradford. The
account in the text differs from Brad-
ford's account only in that it is the
other fide of the ftory. (See Bradford,
pp. 172-88.)

^ See infra^ 324, note. Though Ly-
ford

New Englifh Canaan. 263

was lawfull, and that hee would not renounce it ; and fo
lohn Oldam, his opinion was one the affirmative ; and both
together did maintaine the Church of England to be a true
Church, although in fome particulars, (they faid,) defective ;
concludinge fo againft the Tenents there : and by this
meanes cancelled theire good opinion amonll the number
of the Seperatifts, that flay they mufl not, left they fhould
be fpies : and to fall fowle on this occation the Brethren
thought it would betray their caufe, and make it fall under
cenfure, therefore againft Mafler Layford they had found
out fome fcandall to be laid on his former corfe of life, to
blemifh that ; and fo, to conclude, hee was a fpotted beafl,
and not to be allowed where they ordained to have the Paff-
over kept fo zealoufly : as for lohn Oldam, they could fee
hee would be paffionate and moody, and proove himfelfe a
mad lack in his mood, and as foone mooved to be moody,
and this impatience would Minifter advantage to them to be
ridd of him.

Hanniball when hee had to doe with Fabius was kept in
awe more by the patience of that one enemy, then by the impatience
refolution of the whole army : A well tempered enemy is a 'examfu. ^
terrible enemy to incounter. They injoyne him to come to
their needeles watch howfe in perfon, and for refufmge
give him a cracked Crowne for preffe money, and make the iVe^v pum-
blood run downe about his eares ; a poore trick, yet a good TnoLyf
vaile, though Lufcus may fee thorough it ; and, for his fur-
ther

ford frequently exercifed in the Ply- fays he made " a large confeffion," fay-
mouth church, as an elfewhere ordained ing, among other things, "that he held
brother, he was never inftalled as its not himfelf a minifter till he had a new
pallor. When admitted to it, Bradford caHing." (Bradford, pp. i8i, 185, 188.)

264 New Englifh Canaan.

^120 ther behaviour in the Cafe, proceed to fentence * him

with banifhment, which was performed after a folemne

TheSoUm- invention in this manner: A lane of Mufketiers was made,

Tii^tnenT. and hee compelled in fcorne to paffe along betweene, and to

receave a bob upon the bumme be every mufketier; and

then a board a fhallop, and fo convayed to Weffagufcus

fhoare, and flaid at Maffachuffets : to whome lohn Layford

and fome few more did refort ; where Mafter Layford freely

executed his office and preached every Lords day, and yet

maintained his wife and children foure or five upon his induf-

try there, with the blefiing of God and the plenty of the

Land, without the helpe of his auditory, in an honefl and

laudable manner ; till hee was wearied and made to leave

the Country.^

Chap. IX.

Of a barren doe of Virginea growne fruithfull in New

Canaan}

CHildren, and the fruit of the Wombe, are faid in holy
writt to be an inheritance that commeth of the Lord ;
then they muft be coupled in Gods name firfl, and not as

this, and fome other, have done.

They

1 Supra, 24. feventeenth-century flavor of coarfenefs

2 This chapter and Chapter XIII. — which occurred in the fettlement of
(pp. 273-6) relate to the fame matter. Bofton Bay. Apparently, judging by the
It is impoffible to venture a furmife expreffions, " this goodly creature of in-
even as to their meaning. It would continency" {Infra, *I29), "that had
feem clear that they have no hiftori- tried a camp royal in other parts " (*i2i),
cal value, but relate rather to fome fome Englifh proftitute found her way
humorous incident — having the full out to Mount V^oUafton, in company

^ with

New Englifh Canaan. 265

They are as arrowes in the hand of a Gyant ; and happy, a great hap-
faith David, is the man that hath his quiver full of them ; ^yprlp7gl
and by that rule, happy is that Land, and bleffed to, that is ^''^'''
apt and fit for increafe of children.

I have fhewed you before, in the fecond part of the dif-
courfe, how apt it is for the increafe of Minerals, Vegeta-
bles, and fenfible Creatures.

Now I will ftiew you how apt New Canaan is like-
* wife for the increafe of the reafonable Creatures ; * 1 2 1
Children, of all riches, being the principall: and I
give you this for an inftance.

This Country of New Canaan in feaven yeares time could
fhow more Children livinge, that have beene borne there,
then in 27. yeares could be fhewen in Virginea;^ yet here
are but a handful of weomen landed, to that of Virginea.

The Country doth afford fuch plenty of Lobflers and More cku-

other delicate fhellfifh, and Venus is faid to be borne of the callZi iT-j.

Sea ; or elfe it was fome fallet herbe proper to the Climate, fnVir^nm

or the fountaine at Weenafeemute ^ made her become teem- "^ ^^'

ing here that had tried a campe royall in other partes where

fhee had been ; and yet never the neere, till fhee came in

to New Canaan. c-i

bhee

with one of the adventurers there, and ^ It does not need to be faid that this

fubfequently went on to Virginia. She is one of Morton's prepofterous fbate-

may have^ come with Wollafton, and ments. As the fettlement of Virginia

been left in Bofton Bay when her com- dated from 1607, the twenty-feven years

panion went to Virginia, and then fol- he fpeaks of was" equivalent to faying,

lowed him, giving birth to a child on "up to the time at which he was writ-

the way. This would explain the allu- ing," viz. 1634. Virginia was then not

fion to PhylHs and Demophoon fubfe- only a much older fettlement, but it had

quently made (p. *i29). It is, however, a population largely in excefs of that of

a mere furmife on a fubjedl not worth New England,

puzzling over. 2 ^upra, 229, note 3.

266

New Englifk Canaan.

Delivered
neare Buf-
fards bay.

Dead and
buried.

Shee was delivered, (in a voyage to Virginea,) about Buf-
fardes bay, to weft of Cape Cod, where fhee had a Sonne
borne, but died without baptifme and was buried ; and
being a thinge remarkable, had this Epitaph followinge made
of purpofe to memorize the worth of the perfons.

EPITAPH.

Time, that bringes all thinges to light.
Doth hide this thinge out ofjight:
Yet fame hath left behinde aflory,
A hopefull race tofliew the glory :
For underneath this heape offlones
Lieth a per cell of f mall bones ;
What hope at lafl canfuch impes have.
That from the wombe goes to the grave.

Stenography
one guift.

122

^Chap. X.i

Of a man indued with many Jpetiall guifts fent over to be
Mafler of the Ceremonies,

THis was a man approoved of the Brethren, both for
his zeale and guiftes, yet but a Bubble, and at the pub-
like Chardge conveyed to New England, I thinke to be
Mafter of the Ceremonies betweene the Natives, and the
Planters : for hee applied himfelfe cheifly to pen the lan-
guage downe in Stenography : But there for want of ufe,
which hee rightly underftood not, all was loffe of labor;

fomethinge

1 This chapter and Chapter XII. nothing in any of the contemporaneous
are, hiltorically fpeaking. as inexplicable records to indicate who is referred to
as Chapters IX. and XIII. There is under the pfeudonym of Bubble.

New Englifh Canaan. 267

fomethinge it was when next it came to view, but what hee
could not tell.

This man, Mailer Bubble, was in the time of lohn Old-
ams abfence made the howfe Chaplaine there, and every
night hee made ufe of his guifts, whofe oratory luld his audi- Oratory an-
tory faft a ileepe, as Mercuries pipes did Argus eies : for, ° ^^^^'
when hee was in, they fayd hee could not tell how to get
out ; nay, hee would hardly out till hee were fired out, his
zeale was fuch : (one fire they fay drives out another) : hee
would become a great Merchant, and by any thinge that a great Mer-
was to be fold fo as hee might have day and be trufied never 'guift. '^
fo litle time : the price it feemed hee ftood not much upon,
but the day : for to his freind hee fhewed commodities, fo
priced as caufed him to blame the buyer, till the man this
Bubble did declare that it was tane up at day,
^ and did rejoyce in the bargaine, infiflinge on the ^ 123
day ; the day, yea, marry, quoth his friend, if you
have doomefday for payment you are then well to paffe.
But if he had not, it were as good hee had ; they were payed
all alike.

And now this Bubbles day is become a common proverbe. His day
Hee obtained howfe roome at Paffonageffit and remooved Zlnp-l^^'
thether, becaufe it flood convenient for the Beaver trade : ''''^^'^'
and the rather becaufe the owner of Paffonageffit had no
Corne left, and this man feemed a bigg boned man, and
therefore thought to be a good laborer, and to have flore of
corne ; but, contrary wife, hee had none at all, and hoped
upon this freind his hoft : thithere were brought the tro- Trophies of
phies of this Mafter Bubbles honor, his water tankard and '^''^'
his Porters bafket, but no provifion ; fo that one gunne did

ferve

cold.

268 New Englifh Canaan.

ferve to helpe them both to meat; and now the time for
fowle was almoft paft.
His long This man and his hoft at dinner, Bubble begins to fay

fh7meat ^ grace ; yea, and a long one to, till all the meate was cold ;
hee would not give his hoft leave to fay grace : belike, hee
thought mine hofl paft grace, and further learned as many
other Sch oilers are : but in the ufage and cuftome of this
blinde oratory his hoft tooke himfelfe abufed, and the whiles
fell to and had halfe done before this man Bubble would
open his eies to fee what ftood afore him, which made him
more cautius, and learned that brevis oratio penetrat Ccelum,
Together Bubbles and hee goes in the Canaw to Nut Ifland^
for brants, and there his hoft makes a fhotte and
^124 breakes the winges of many : Bubble,^ in haft and
fmgle handed, paddels out like a Cow in a cage : his
hoft cals back to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares ;
and, before this could be performed, the fowle had time to
fwimme to other flockes, and fo to efcape : the beft part of
the pray being loft mayd his hoft to mutter at him, and fo to
parte for that time difcontended.

Cha p . XI.

Of a Compojttion made by the Sachem for a Theft com-
mitted by fome of his m^en^fhewinge their honefi meaninge,

THe owner of Paffonageffit, to have the benefit of com-
pany, left his habitation in the Winter and repofed at
Weffagufcus, (to his coft): meane time, in the Depth of

Winter,

1 One of the fmalleft of the illands in or fo away, and between it and Pettuck's
Bofton Bay, ftill called by the fame name. Ifland. (See Shurtleff's Defcription of
It lies off Mount Wollafton, and a mile Bq/lon, p. 360.)

New Englifh Canaan, 269

Winter, the neighbour Salvages, accuftomed to buy foode, The Salvages
came to the howfe, (for that intent perhaps,) and peepinge ^h^^Je^^take
in all the windovves, (then unglafed,) efpied corne, but no ^^' ^''''''^•
body to fell the fame ; and having company and helpe at
hand did make a fhift to get into the howfe, and, take out
corne to ferve but for the prefent, left enough behinde : the
Sachem having knowledge of the fafte, and being advertifed
likewife of the difpleafure that had ben conceaved by the
Proprietor thereof at this offence, prepares a Meffenger, the
Salvage that had lived in England, and fends him with
commiffion for the trefpaffe of his men, who had
tenne fkinnes perpofed '^ f or it to bee payd by a day ^125
certaine : The Sachem, at the time appointed, bringes
the Beaver to Weffagufcus where the owner lived, but jufl
then was gone abroade : meane time the fkinnes were by the
Weffagufcus men gelded, and the better halfe by them jug-
gled away before the owner came ; and hee by the Aftors per- a dijhoneji
fwaded to bee contended with the refl who not fo pleafed
did draw the Sachem then to make a new agreement, and fo
to pay his remnant left in hand, and tenne fkinnes more by
a new day afigned, and then to bringe them to Paffonageffit ;
but the Weffagufcus men went the day before to the Salv-
ages with this fayinge, that they were fent to call upon him
there for payement ; and received tenne fkinnes, and tooke
a Salvage there to juflifie that at their howfe the ow^ner
ftayed the while ; hee verified this, becaufe hee faw the man
before at Weffagufcus : the Sachem did beleive the tale,
and at that time delivered up tenne fkinnes on that behalfe,
in full difchardge of all demandes againll the trefpaffe and
the trefpaffers, to them ; who coafented to him, and them, to

the

270 New Englifh Canaan.

A confent- the owncr, and kept nine^ to themfelves, and made the

lie Heathen Salvage take the tenth, and give the owner all that yet was

IhZ'^ife' to bee had, themfelves confeffinge their demaunds for him,

chrijitans. ^^^ ^y^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ l^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ prepared : fo that

by this you may eafily perceive the uncivilized peo-
ple are more juft than the civili-
zed.

^126

^Chap. XII.

Two Sal-
vage guides
condu(fl lohf
to Neepenett
alone.

Of a voyadge made by the Majler of the Ceremonies of New
Canaan to Neepenett^ from whence hee came away.; and of
the m,anifold dangers hee efcaped,

THis woorthy member Mafter Bubble, a new Mafter of
the Ceremonies, having a conceipt in his head that
hee had hatched a new device for the purchafe of Beaver,
beyond Imagination, packes up a facke full of odde imple-
ments, and without any company but a couple of Indians for
guides, (and therefore you may, if you pleafe, beeleive they
are fo dangerous as the Brethren of Plimmouth give it out,)
hee betakes him to his progreffe into the Inlande for Beaver,
with his carriadge on his fhoulders like Milo : his guides and
hee in proceffe of time come to the place appointed, which
was about Neepenett,^ thereabouts being more Beavers to be
had then this Milo could carry, and both his journey men :
glad hee was good man, and his guides were willing to pleaf-

ure

1 [view] StQ/upra, iii, note i. ^ Nipnet, or Worcefter County; fee

fupra, 240, note.

New Englifh Canaan. 271

ure him : there the Salvages flay : night came on, but, before
they were inclined to fleepe, this good man Mafter Bubble
had an evation crept into his head, by mifapplying the Salv-
ages a6T;ions, that hee mufl needs be gone in all haft, yea and
without his errand : hee purpofed to doe it fo cun-
ningely that his flight fhould not "^be fufpe6led : hee ^127
leaves his fhooes in the howfe, with all his other
implements, and flies : as hee was on his way, to increafe
his feare, fuggeftinge himfelfe that hee was preffed^ by a
company of Indians and that there fhafts were let fly as thick
as haile at him, hee puts of his breeches and puts them one
his head, for to fave him from the fhafts that flew after him
fo thick that no man could perceave them, and cryinge out,
avoyd Satan, what have yee to doe with mee ! thus running
one his way without his breeches hee was pittifully fcratched
with the brufh of the underwoods, as hee wandred up and
downe in unknowne wayes : The Salvages in the meane
time put up all his implements in the fack hee left behinde
and brought them to Weffagufcus, where they thought to
have found him ; but, underftanding hee was not returned,
were ferefull what to doe, and what would be conceaved of
the Englifh was become of this mazed man, the Mafler of
the Ceremonies ; and were in confultation of the matter.
One of the Salvages was of opinion the Englifli would fup-
pofe him to be made away ; fearefull hee was to come in
flght. The other, better acquainted with the Englifli, (hav-
ing lived fome time in England,^) was more confident, and

hee

^ [prefent] Seefupra, iii, note i. there is a quite detailed account to be

2 Squanto is apparently referred to gathered from the early Plymouth rec-

here. {Supra, 244, note 2.) There is ords — which is fuggeftive of the events

no incident in Squanto's life — of which defcribed in the text.

272

New Engli/h Canaan.

They take a
note of what
was in the
Jack.

Mr. Bubble
muji be
found againe
or elfe they
fJtall be de-
Jiroyed.

Not any
thing dimiU'
ifhcd.

hee perfwaded his fellow that the Englifh would be fatisfied
with relation of the truth, as having had teftimony of his
fidelity. So they boldly adventured to fhew what they had
brougt and how the matter flood. The Englifh, (when the
fack was opened,) did take a note in writing of all the partic-

ulers that were in the fack ; and heard what was by
* 128 the Salvages related of the acci^dents: but, when his

fhoes were fhowne, it was thought hee would not have
departed without his fhoes ; and therefore they did conceave
that Mafler Bubble was made away by fome fmifter pradife
of the Salvages, who unadvifedly had bin culpable of a crime
which now they fought to excufe ; and ftraightly chardged
the Salvages to finde him out againe, and bring him dead,
or alive, elfe their wifes and children fhould be deftroyed.
The poore Salvages, being in a pittifull perplexity, caufed
their Countrymen to feeke out for this maz'd man ; who,
being in fhort time found, was brought to Weffagufcus ;
where hee made a difcourfe of his travels, and of the perril-
lous paffages, which did feeme to be no leffe dangerous then
thefe of that worthy Knight Errant, Don Quixote,^ and how
miraculoufly hee had bin preferved; and, in conclufion,
lamented the greate loffe of his goods, whereby hee thought
himfelfe undone.

The perticuler whereof being demaunded, it appeared that
the Salvages had not diminifhed any part of them ; no, not
fo much as one bit of bread : the number being knowne,
and the fragments laid together,, it appeared all the bifket

was

1 The firft part of Don Quixote was in 161 5. It was firfl tranflated into
publilhed in 1605, and the fecond part Englifh by Thomas Skelton, in 1612-20.

New Englifk Canaan. 273

was preferved, and not any diminiflied at all : whereby the
Mafter of the Ceremonies was overjoyed, and the. whole
Company made themfelves merry at his difcourfe of all his
perrillous adventures.

And by this you may obferve whether the Salvage people
are not full of humanity, or whether they are a dangerous
people, as Mafter Bubble and the reft of his tribe would per-
fwade you.

^Chap. XIII. ^129

Of a lamentable fit of Mellancolly that the Barren doe fell
into^ {after the death of her infant^ feeing herfelfe defpifed
of her Sweet e hart) whereof fhee was cured.

WHether this goodly creature of incontinency went to
worke upon even termes like Phillis, or noe, it does
not appeare by any Indenture of covenants then extant;
whereby fhee might legally challenge the performance of
any compleate Marriage at his hands that had bin trade-
ing with her, as Demopheon here to fore had bin with his
oftis.i

Nevertheleffe, (for his future advantage,) fhee indeav-
oured, (like Phillis,) to gaine this Demopheon all to her-
felfe;

1 The reference here is to the ftory of the nuptials were celebrated, he went to

Demophoon and Phyllis, told by Ovid Attica to fettle his affairs at home, and

(^Heroides, II.) Demophoon, fon of as he tarried longer than Phyllis had

Thefeus and Phaedra, accompanied the expe6ted, fhe began to think that fhe

Greeks to Troy; and on his return, was forgotten, and put an end to her

Phyllis, the daughter of the Thracian life. She was metamorphofed into a

king Sithon, fell in love with him, and tree. (See Smith's Di^ionary, title

he confented to marry her. But before Demophoon.)

2 74

New Englifh Canaan.

Shee cannot
one the fo-
daine refolve
which dore
to goe in att.

felfe ; who, (as it feemes,) did meane nothing leffe by leaving
her for the next commer, that had any minde to coole his
courage by that meanes ; the whipping poll, (as it feemes,)
at that time not being in publike ufe for fuch kinde of Cony
katchers ; but feeing herfelfe rejedted, Ihee grew into fuch a
paffion of Mellancolly, on a fodaine, that it was thought fhee
would exhibit a petition for redreffe to grim Pluto, who had
fet her a worke ; and knowing that the howfe of fate has
many entrances, fhee was puffeld to finde the neereft way.
Shee could not refolve on a fodaine which doore would

foonefl bring her to his prefence handfomely.
* 1 30 * If fhee fhould make way with a knife, fhee thought

fhee might fpoyle her drinking in after ages ; if by
poyfon, fhee thought it might prolonge her paffage thether ;
if by drowning, fhee thought Caron might come the while
with his boate, and waft her out of fight ; if fhee Ihould tie
up her complaint in a halter, fhee thought the Ropmakers
would take exceptions againft her good fpeede. And in this
manner fhee debated with herfelfe, and demurred upon the
matter: So that fhee did appeare willing enough, but a
woman of fmall refolution.

Which thing when it was publikely knowne, made many
come to comfort her. One amongfl the refl was by hir
requefled, on her behalfe, to write to her late unkinde De-
mopheon. The Gentleman, being merrily difpofed, in fleed
of writing an heroicall Epiflle compofed this Elegi, for a
memoriall of fome mirth upon the Circumftance of the mat-
ter, to be fent unto hir, as foUoweth :

CARMEN

New Englifh Canaan. 275

CARMEN ELEGIACVM.

MElpomene, (at whofe mifcheifous love
The fcreech owles voyce is heard the mandraks grove^
Commands m.y pen in an lam dick vaine
To tell a difmall tale, that may conjlraine
The hart of him to bleede, that/hall difcerne
How m.Mch this foule amijfe does him concerne.
AleBo, [grim Ale^o) light thy tortch
To thy beloved Jijler next the porch

^ That leads unto the manjion howfe of fate, * 1 3 1

Whofe farewell makes herfreind fnore fortunate,
A Great Squa Sachem can fhee poynt to goe
Before grim Minos ; and yet no man know
That knives and halters, ponds, and poyfonous things
Are alwayes ready, when the Divell once brings
Such deadly finners to a deepe remorfe
Of confcience felfe accufing, that will force
Them to difpaire, like wicked Kain, whiles death
Stands ready with all thefe toflopp their breath.
The beare comes by that oft hath bay ted ben
By many a Satyres whelpe ; unleffe you can
Commaund your eies to drop huge mil/lones forth,
In la7nentation of this loffe on earth
Of her, of whome fo much pray fe wee m^ay finde,
Goe when fhee will, fhee 7 leave none like behinde ;
Shee was too good for earth, too bad for heaven.
Why then for hell the match is fomewhat even.

After

276 New Englifh Canaan.

After this, the water of the fountaine at Ma-re Mount was
thought fit to be applyed unto her for a remedy, fhee wil-
lingly ufed according to the quality thereof.

And when this Elegy came to be divulged, fhee was fo

confcious of her crime that fhee put up her pipes, and with

the next fhipp fhee packt away to Virginea, (her former

habitation,) quite cured of her mellancolly, with the helpe of

the water of the fountaine

at Ma-re Mount.

^ 132 ^Chap. XIV.

Of the Revells of New Canaan}

He Inhabitants of Pafonageffit, (having tranflated the
name of their habitation from that ancient Salvage
name to Ma-re Mount,^ and being refolved to have the new
name confirmed for a memorial to after ages,) did devife
amongft themfelves to have it performed in a folemne man-
ner, with Revels and merriment after the old Englifh cuflome ;
A Maypole, [they] prepared to fett up a Maypole upon the feftivall day
of Philip and lacob, and therefore brewed a barrell of excel-
lent beare and provided a cafe of bottles, to be fpent, with
other good cheare, for all commers of that day. And becaufe
they would have it in a compleat forme, they had prepared a
fong fitting to the time and prefent occafion. And upon
Mayday they brought the Maypole to the place appointed,

with

1 Supra^ 17-19. ^ Supra^ 14, note^.

New Englifk Canaan. 277

with drumes, gunnes, piftols and other fitting inflruments,
for that purpofe ; and there erefted it with the help of Salv-
ages, that came thether of purpofe to fee the manner of our
Revels. A goodly pine tree of 80. foote longe was reared
up, with a peare of buckshorns nayled one fomewhat neare
unto the top of it : where it flood, as a faire fea marke for
direftions how to finde out the way to mine Hofle of Ma-re
Mount.

And becaufe it fhould more fully appeare to what end it
was placed there, they had a poem in readines made, which
was fixed to the Maypole, to fhew the new name confirmed
upon that plantation ; which, allthough it were made
according to the occurrents * of the time, it, being ^133
Enigmattically compofed, puffelled the Seperatifts mofl
pittifully to expound it, w^hich, (for the better information
of the reader,) I have here inferted.

THE POEM.

Rife Oedipeus, and, if thou canfl, unfould
What meanes Caribdis underneath the mouldy
When Scilla follitary on the ground
(Sitting in forme of Niode) was found,
Till Amphitrites Darling did acquaint
Grim Neptune with the Tenor of her plaint.
And caufd him fend forth Triton with the found
Of Trumpet lowd, at which the Seas were found
So full of Protean formes that the boldfJiore
Prefented Scilla a new parramore

278 New Englifh Canaan.

The man
who brought
her over was
named Sam-
fon lob.

Sojlronge as Samp/on andfo patient
As Job himfelfe, diren:ed thus, by fate,
To comfort S cilia fo unfortunate.
Idoeprofeffe, by Cupids beautious mother,
Heres Scogans choife ^ for Scilla, and none other;
Though Scillci s fick with greife, becaufe no figne
Can there be found of vertue mafculine.
Efculapius come ; I know right well
His laboure V lofl when you m.ay ring her KnelL
The fatall fiflers doome none can withfland,
Nor Cithareas powre, who poynts to land
With proclamation that the firfl of May
At Ma-re Mount fhall be kept holly day.

^ 1 34 The fetting up of this Maypole was a lamentable

fpe6lacle to the precife feperatifts, that lived at new

The Maypole PHmmouth. They termed it an Idoll ; yea, they called it

The'caifeof the Calfe of Horeb, and flood at defiance with the place,

^'''''^' naming it Mount Dagon ; threatning to make it a woeful!

mount and not a merry mount.

The Riddle, for want of Oedipus, they could not expound ;
onely they made fome explication of part of it, and fayd it
was meant by Sampfon lob, the carpenter of the fhipp that

brought

^ John Scogan was the famous court
buffoon, attached to the houfehold of
Edward IV., whofe head Juftice Shal-
low makes the youthful Falftaff break
at the court gate {Henry TV. Part II.
act iii. sc. 2), though Falftaff is repre-
fented as having died at leaft twenty
years before Scogan could have been
born. In regard to him, fee Doran's
Court Fools., pp. 128-30. " Scogan's
choice," in Morton's day, feems to have

been a popular expreffion, fignifying
that a choice of fome fort is better
than no power to choofe at all. It was
derived probably from the ftory of Sco-
gan, that he was once ordered to be
hanged, but allowed the privilege of
choofmg the tree. He efcaped the pen-
alty by being unable to find a tree to
his liking. Morton ufes the expreffion
again, fee infra, *I37. But the refe-
rence here is as obfcure as " the poem."

New Englifh Canaan. 279

brought over a woman to her hufband, that had bin there
longe before and thrived fo well that hee fent for her and her
children to come to him ; where fhortly after hee died : hav-
ing no reafon, but becaufe of the found of thofe two words ;
when as, (the truth is,) the man they applyed it to was alto-
gether unknowne to the Author.

There was likewife a merry fong made, which, (to make
their Revells more fafhionable,) was fung with a Corns, every
man bearing his part; which they performed in a daunce,
hand in hand about the Maypole, whiles one of the Com-
pany fung and filled out the good liquor, like gammedes
and lupiter.

Cor.

THE SONGE.

DRinke and be merry, merry, merry boyes ;
Let all your delight be in the Hymens ioyes ;
yb to Hymen, now the day is come,
About the merry Maypole take a Roome,

Make greene gar Ions, bring bottles out

And fill fweet Ne6lar freely about,
^ Vncover thy head and feare no harme, * I35

For hers good liquor to keepe it warme.
Then drinke and be merry, &c.
Id to Hymen, &c,

Ne^ar is a thing aJJigrHd

By the Deities owne minde

To cure the hart opprefi with greife,

And of good liquors is the cheife.
Then drinke, &c.
Id to Hymen, &c. Give

28o New Englifh Canaan.

Give to the Mellancolly man
A cup or two of V now and than ;
This phyjick willfoone revive his bloud^
And make him be of a merrier moode.

Then drinke, &c,

lb to Hymen, &c.

Give to the Nymphe t hats free from f come
No Irifh fluff nor Scotch over worne.
Laffes in beaver coats come away,
Yeefiall be welcome to us night and day.

To drinke and be merry &c,

Jo to Hymen^ &c.

This harmeles mirth made by younge men, (that lived in
hope to have wifes brought over to them, that would fave
them a laboure to make a voyage to fetch any over,) was
much diftalted of the precife Seperatifts, that keepe much
a doe about the tyth of Muit and Cummin, troubling their
braines more then reafon would require about things that
are indifferent : and from that time fought occafion
*" 1 36 againft my ^ honeft Hofl of Ma-re Mount, to over-
throw his ondertakings and to deftroy his plantation
quite and cleane. But becaufe they prefumed with their
imaginary gifts, (which they have out of Phaos box,^) they
could expound hidden mifteries, to convince them of blind-
nes, as well in this as in other matters of more confequence,
I will illuflrate the poem, according to the true intent of the
authors of thefe Revells, fo much diftafted by thofe Moles.

Oedipus is generally receaved for the abfolute reader of
riddles, who is invoaked : Silla and Caribdis are two danger-

1 Infra, 348, noU. O^S

New Englifh Canaan. 281

ous places for feamen to incounter, neere unto Vennice ;
and have bin by poets formerly refembled to man and wife.
The like licence the author challenged for a paire of his
nomination, the one lamenting for the loffe of the other as
Niobe for her children. Amphitrite is an arme of the Sea,
by which the newes was carried up and downe of a rich
widow, now to be tane up or laid downe. By Triton is the
fame fpread that caufed the Suters to mufter, (as it had bin
to Penellope of Greece ;) and, the Coafl lying circuier, all
our paffage to and froe is made more convenient by Sea
then Land. Many aimed at this marke; but hee that played
Proteus beft and could comply with her humor mufl be the
man that would carry her ; and hee had need have Samp-
fons flrenght to deale with a Dallila, and as much patience
as lob that fhould come there, for a thing that I did ob-
ferve in the life-time of the former.

But marriage and hanging, (they fay,) comes by defleny
and Scogans choife^ tis better [than] none at all.
Hee that "^playd Proteus, (with the helpe of Pria- ^137
pus,) put their nofes out of joynt, as the Proverbe is.

And this the whole company of the Revellers at Ma-re
Mount knew to be the true fence and expolition of the
riddle that was fixed to the Maypole, which the Seperatifts
were at defiance with. Some of them affirmed that the firil
inftitution thereof was in memory of a whore ; ^ not knowing
that it was a Trophe eredled at firfl in honor of Maja, the
Lady of learning which they defpife, vilifying the two

univerfities

1 Supra^ 278, note i. 2 aye Roman Goddes Flora." (Brad-

ford, p. 237.)

282 New Englifk Canaan.

univerfities with uncivile termes, accounting what is there
obtained by ftuddy is but unneceffary learning ; not confid-
ering that learninge does inable mens mindes to converfe
with eliments of a higher nature then is to be found within
the habitation of the Mole.

Chap. XV.

Of a great Monjler fuppofed to be at Ma-re-Mount ; and
the preparation made to dejlroy it}

THe Seperatifts, envying the profperity and hope of the
Plantation at Ma-re Mount, (which they perceaved
beganne to come forward, and to be in a good way for gaine
in the Beaver trade,) confpired together againfl mine Hoft
efpecially, (who was the owner of that Plantation,) and made
up a party againft him; and mufired up what aide they

could, accounting of him as of a great Monfter.
^ 138 * Many threatening fpeeches were given out both

againft his perfon and his Habitation, which they
divulged fhould be confumed with fire : And taking advan-
tage of the time when his company, (which feemed little to
regard theire threats,) were gone up into the Inlands to trade
with the Salvages for Beaver, they fet upon my honefl hoft
at a place called WelTagufcus, where, by accident, they found
him. The inhabitants there were in good hope of the fub-
vertion of the plantation at Mare Mount, (which they prin-
cipally aymed at ; ) and the rather becaufe mine hofl was a

man

1 In regard to the arreft of Morton by Standifh, in June, 1628, i^e/upra, 27-9.

New EngliJJi Canaan, 283

man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the Church
of England ; which they, (on the contrary part,) would
laboure to vilifie with uncivile termes : enveying againfl the
facred booke of common prayer, and mine hofl that ufed it
in a laudable manner amongfl his family, as a pradlife of
piety.

There hee would be a meanes to bringe facks to their mill,
(fuch is the thirfl after Beaver,) and helped the confpiratores
to furprife mine hofl, (who was there all alone ; ) and they
chardged him, (becaufe they would feeme to have fome rea-
fonable caufe againfl him to fett a gloffe upon their mallice,)
with criminall things ; which indeede had beene done by fuch
a perfon, but was of their confpiracy ; mine hoft demaunded
of the confpirators who it was that was author of that infor-
mation, that feemed to be their ground for what they now
intended. And becaufe they anfwered they would not tell
him, hee as peremptorily replyed, that hee would not fay
whether he had, or he had not done as they had bin
informed.

* The anfwere made no matter, (as it feemed,) ^139
whether it had bin negatively or affirmatively made ;
for they had refolved what hee fhould fuffer, becaufe, (as they
boafled,) they were now become the greater number : they
had fhaked of their fhackles of fervitude, and were become
Mafters, and mafterles people.

It appeares they were like beares whelpes in former time,
when mine hofls plantation was of as much ftrength as theirs,
but now, (theirs being ilronger,) they, (like overgrowne
beares,) feemed monfterous. In breife, mine hoft muft indure
to be their prifoner untill they could contrive it fo that they

might

284 New Englifh Canaan.

might fend him for England, (as they faid,) there to fuffer
according to the merrit of the fa6l which they intended to
father upon him ; fuppofmg, (behke,) it would proove a hai-
nous crime.

Much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cap-
pitall enemy, (as they concluded him ; ) whome they purpofed
to hamper in fuch fort that hee Ihould not be able to uphold
his plantation at Ma-re Mount.

The Confpirators fported themfelves at my honefl hofl,
that meant them no hurt, and were fo joccund that they feafbed
their bodies, and fell to tippeling as if they had obtained a
great prize ; like the Trojans when they had the cultody of
Hippeus pinetree horfe.

Mine hofl fained greefe, and could not be perfwaded
either to eate or drinke ; becaufe hee knew emptines would
be a meanes to make him as watchfull as the Geefe kept in
the Roman Cappitall : whereon, the contrary part, the con-
fpirators would be fo drowfy that hee might have an
^ 140 opportunity to give them a *flip, infteade of a teller.
Six perfons of the confpiracy were fet to watch him
Mine Hoji at Wcffagufcus : But hee kept waking ; and in the dead of
%ifmf night, (one lying on the bed for further fuerty,) up gets
mine Hoft and got to the fecond dore that hee was to paffe,
which, notwithflanding the lock, hee got open, and ihut it
after him with fuch violence that it affrighted fome of the
confpirators.

The word, which was given with an alarme, was, 6 he 's
gon, he 's gon, what fhall wee doe, he 's gon ! The refl, (halfe
a fleepe,) flart up in a maze, and, like rames, ran theire heads
one at another full butt in the darke.

Theire

New Englifh Canaan. 285

Theire grande leader, Captaine Shrimp, tooke on mofl f uri- The captain
oufly and tore his clothes for anger, to fee the empty neft, dothes.
and their bird gone.

The reft were eager to have torne theire haire from theire
heads ; but it was fo fhort that it would give them no hold.
Now Captaine Shrimp thought in the loffe of this prize,
(which hee accoumpted his Mailer peece,) all his honor
would be loft for ever.

In the meane time mine Hoft was got home to Ma-re Minehoji
Mount through the woods, eight miles round about the head ina-lTmoimt,
of the river Monatoquit that parted the two Plantations,
finding his way by the helpe of the lightening, (for it thun-
dred as hee went terribly ; ) and there hee prepared pow-
ther, three pounds dried, for his prefent imployement, and
foure good gunnes for him and the two affiftants left at his Heeproz^ides
howfe, with bullets of feverall fizes, three hounderd or there- mies.
abouts, to be ufed if the confpirators fhould purfue
^ him thether : and thefe two perfons promifed theire * 141
aides in the quarrell, and confirmed that promife with
health in good rofa folis.

Now Captaine Shrimp, the firfl Captaine in the Land, (as
hee fuppofed,) muft doe fome new a6l to repaire this loffe,
and, to vindicate his reputation, who had fuftained blemifh
by this overfight, begins now to iludy, how to repaire or fur-
vive his honor : in this manner, callinge of Councell, they
conclude.

Hee takes eight perfons more to him, and, (like the nine
Worthies of New Canaan,) they imbarque with preparation
againfl Ma-re-Mount, where this Monfler of a man, as theire
phrafe was, had his denne ; the whole number, had the reft

not

286

New Englifh Canaan.

A Parly.

Captaine
Shrimpe pro-
mifeth that
no violence
Jhoiild bee
offered to his
per fan.

not bin from home, being but feaven, would have given Cap-
taine Shrimpe, (a quondam Drummer,) fuch a wellcome as
would have made him wifh for a Drume as bigg as Diogenes
tubb, that hee might have crept into it out of fight.

Now the nine Worthies are approached, and mine Hofl
prepared : having intelligence by a Salvage, that haftened in
love from Weffagufcus to give him notice of their intent.

One of mine Hofts men prooved a craven : the other had

prooved his wits to purchafe a little valoure, before mine

Hofl had obferved his pofture.

* 142 ^ The nine worthies comming before the Denne of

this fuppofed Monfter, (this feaven headed hydra, as

they termed him,) and began, like Don Quixote againll the

Windmill, to beate a parly, and to offer quarter, if mine Hofl

would yeald ; for they refolved to fend him for England ;

and bad him lay by his armes.

But hee, (who was the Sonne of a Souldier,) having taken
up armes in his juft defence, replyed that hee would not lay
by thofe armes, becaufe they were fo needefull at Sea, if hee
fhould be fent over. Yet, to fave the effufion of fo much
worty bloud, as would haue iffued out of the vaynes of thefe
9. worthies of New Canaan, if mine Hofl fhould have played
upon them out at his port holes, (for they came within dan-
ger like a flocke of wild geefe, as if they had bin tayled one
to another, as coults to be fold at a faier,) mine Hofl was
content to yeelde upon quarter ; and did capitulate with
them in what manner it fhould be for more certainety,
becaufe hee knew what Captaine Shrimpe was.

Hee expreffed that no violence fbould be offered to his
perfon, none to his goods, nor any of his Howfehold : but

that

New Englifh Canaan. 287

that hee fliould have his armes, and what els was requifit
for the voyage : which theire Herald retornes, it was agreed
upon, and fhould be performed.

But mine Holt no fooner had fet open the dore, and iffued
out, but inflantly Captaine Shrimpe and the reft of the wor-
ties ftepped to him, layd hold of his armes, and had
him downe : and fo eagerly was every *man bent * 143
againft him, (not regarding any agreement made with
fuch a carnall man,) that they fell upon him as if they would
have eaten him : fome of them were fo violent that they
would have a flice with fcabbert, and all for hafte ; untill The Worthies
an old Souldier, (of the Queenes, as the Proverbe is,) that 7hdrmlZr-
was there by accident, clapt his gunne under the weap- ^h P''^'^^/''-
ons, and fharply rebuked thefe worthies for their unworthy
pra6tifes. So the matter was taken into more deliberate
confideration.

Captaine Shrimpe, and the reft of the nine worthies,
made themfelves, (by this outragious riot,) Mafters of mine
Hofte of Ma-re Mount, and difpofed of what hee had at his
plantation.

This they knew, (in the eye of the Salvages,) would add
to their glory, and diminifh the reputation of mine honeft
Hoft ; whome they praftifed to be ridd of upon any tQrmes,
as willingly as if hee had bin the very Hidra of the time. .

' Chapter XVI.

288 New Englifh Canaan.

Chap. XVI.

How the 9. worthies put mine Hoji of Ma-re-Mount into
the inchaunted Caftle at Plimmouth^ and terrified him
with the Monfier Briareus,

THe nine worthies of New Canaan having now the Law
in their owne hands, (there being no generall
^144 * Governour in the Land ; nor none of the Sepera-
tion that regarded the duety they owe their Sover-
aigne, whofe naturall borne Subjefts they were, though
tranflated out of Holland, from whence they had learned to
worke all to their owne ends, and make a great fhewe of Re-
ligion, but no humanity,) for they were now to fit in Counfell
on the caufe.

And much it ftood mine honeft Hoft upon to be very cir-
cumfpeft, and to take Eacus^ to tafke ; for that his voyce was
more allowed of then both the other : and had not mine
Hoft confounded all the arguments that Eacus could make
in their defence, and confuted him that fwaied the reft, they
would have made him unable to drinke in fuch manner of
merriment any more. So that following this private coun-
fell, given him by one that knew who ruled the rofl, the
Hiracano ceafed that els would fplit his pinace.

A conclufion was made and fentence given that mine
Hoft fhould be fent to England a prifoner. But when hee
was brought to the fhipps for that purpofe, no man durft

1 See infra, 291, note.

New EngliJJi Canaan. 289

be fo foole hardy as to undertake carry him.^ So thefe
Worthies fet mine Hoft upon an Ifland, without gunne, Mine hoji
powther, or fhot or dogge or fo much as a knife to get any ^a«/L//l
thinge to feede upon, or any other cloathes to fhelter him Z[jluftfor^'
with at winter then a thinne fuite which hee had one at that ^'""'f'^f'-
time. Home hee could not get to Ma-re-Mount. Upon this
Ifland hee flayed a moneth at leaft, and was releeved by
Salvages that tooke notice that mine Hoft was a Sachem of
Paffonageffit, and would bringe bottles of ftrong liquor
to him, and unite themfelves * into a league of brother '^ 145
hood with mine Hoft; fo full of humanity are thefe
infidels before thofe Chriftians.

From this place for England failed mine Hofl in a Plim-
mouth fhipp, (that came into the Land to fifh upon the
Coaft,) that landed him fafe in England at Plimmouth : and
hee ftayed in England untill the ordinary time for fhipping
to fet forth for thefe parts, and then retorned : ^ Noe man
being able to taxe him of any thinge.

But the Worthies, (in the meane time,) hoped they had
bin ridd of him.

Chapter XVII.

1 Morton here confounds his experi- (Bradford, p. 232.) AUerton returned

ence in Bofton, two years later, with that to London in the courfe of the fucceed-

at Plymouth in 1628. In 1630 the maf- ing fummer or autumn, but it is not

ter of the Gift refufed to carry him back probable then any vefTel left Plymouth

to England. {Supra, 44.) In the fpring in June, 1628, bound for England. (6'//-

of 1628, however, no vefiel feems to have pra^ 29.)

arrived at Plymouth from England, as ^ it was not until towards the clofe of

Allerton then brought over an affort- the fummer of the next year that IMorton

ment of goods, and came in a fifhing- returned to Maffachufetts, in company

veffel by way of the Maine flations. with Allerton. {Supra, Z^-j.)

290 New Englifh Canaan.

Chap. XVII.

Of the Baccanall Triumphe of the nine worthies of New
Canaan,

THe Seperatifts were not fo contended, (when mine
Hoft of Ma-re-Mount was gone,) but they were as much
difcontended when hee was retorned againe : and the rather
becaufe theire paffages about him, and the bufmeffe, were fo
much derided and in fonges exempHfied : which, (for better
fatisfadion of fuch as are in that kinde affefted,) I have fet
forth, as it was then in ufe by the name of the Baccanall
Triumphe^ as followeth :

*i46 *THE POEM.i

MajierBen: T flng tK adventuves of nine worthy wights^

-*• And pitty V is I cannot call them Knights^
Since they had brawne and braine, and were right able
To be i^iflalled of Prince Arthur es table ;
Yet all of them were Squires of low degree^
As did appeare by rules of heraldry.

The

1 Morton implies above that the Exa61;ly what this fignifies it is impoffi-
" Poem " which follows was written ble now to fay. Some critics that I
fhortly after the events to which it re- have confulted are inclined to think
lates occurred, and before his return to that Jonfon, who was then about fifty-
New England in 1629. It was then, it five years old and at the height of his
feems, "in ufe" in London. The name fame, may have written all the verfes.
of Ben Jonfon appears in the margin of Others fugged that Morton, by putting
the original edition, as of this reprint, the name in the margin, meant to imply
and oppofite the firft two lines, as above, that Jonfon wrote them all, and that

this

New Knglifh Canaan.

291

The Magi totild of a prodigeous birth
That Jhortly JJiould be found upon the earthy
By Archimedes art, which they mifconfter
Vnto their Land would pro ove a hiddeous monfler;
Seaven heades it had, and twice fo many feete.
Arguing the body to be wondrous greate,

Befides

this was another of the unfcrupulous
tricks of the author of the New Canaan.
Neither explanation commends itfelf to
my judgment. The firft five verfified
lines are a paraphrafe of five lines at
the beginning of one of Jonfon's pro-
duftions, for a poem it i*s not. In his
publifiied works (Gififord's ed. [18 16],
vol. viii. p. 241) they appear as follows : —

" I fing the brave adventure of two wights,
And pity 'tis, I cannot call them knights :
One was ; and he for brawn and brain right

able
To have been ftyled of king Arthur's table.
The other was a fquire, of fair degree."

With the lafi; of the foregoing lines the
paraphrafe fl;ops, and the reft of the
verfes in the New Canaan are, it muft
in juftice be faid, not only more cleanly,
but in other refpe6ls fuperior to thofe
to be found in Jonfon's works. Indeed,
where the latter are not unintelligible,
they are almoft unequalled for the nafti-
nefs in which the writer feems to revel.
Gilford not too ftrongly remarks of them,
" I diflike the fubjed." Morton, it ap-
pears to me, abandoning, at the fixth
line, the paraphrafe with which he began,
went on with a produ6tion of his own, but
very properly put Jonfon's name oppofite
the lines he borrowed from him. The
remainder is in his own ftyle, and not
inferior to the mafs of the contempo-
rary verfe. He himfelf explains it. The
" nine worthy wights " are Standifli and
his party, who were fent to arreft him.
The "prodigeous birth,'' was the eftab-

lifhment of the Mount Wollafton planta-
tion. The " feven heads " were the
feven perfons compofing the company at
Mount Wollafton at the time of the ar-
reft. The " forked tail " was the May-
pole, with its antlered top. The fear that
the Hydra of Ma-re Mount would devour
" all their beft flocks " refers to the ap-
prehended competition in the fur trade.
The "Soil in Cancer" indicates the
feafon ; the " thundering Jove " the
ftorm, in which Morton made his efcape
from his captors at Weffaguffet. The
arreft at Mount Wollafton is paffed over
very lightly. Then follows the difcuf-
fion among the magiftrates at Plymouth,
as to the difpofition to be made of the
prifoner. Standifli would feem to be de-
fignated under the name of Minos. He
recommends death. Eacus is more dif-
ficult to identify. In the preceding
chapter {Supra, 288), Morton fpeaks of
him as being the one whofe " voice was
more allowed of then both the others."
My fuppofition is that, by Eacus, I\Ior-
ton meant Dr. Samuel Fuller, who then
apparently (Bradford, pp. 264, note, 306,
note) flood, next to Standifli, at the head
of the affiftants. Morton fays that he
"confounded all the arguments that
Eacus could make ; " and he afterwards,
in the New Canaan, refers to Fuller
with pecuHar bitternefs. {hifra, 298.)
"Sterne Radamant" is clearly Brad-
ford, " the cheif Elder." The remainder
of the poem calls for no explanation;
and the whole of it is much lefs unin-
telligible than is ufual with Morton.

292 New Englifk Canaan.

Bejldes a forked taile heavd up on highe

As if it threaten d battell to thefkie.

The Rumor of this fearefull prodigy

Did caufe th! effeminate multitude to cry

For want of great Alcides aide, and flood

Like People that havefeene Medufas head.

Great was the greife of hart, great was the mone^

And great the fear e conceaved by every one

Of Hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre^

Doubting in time this Monfler would devoure

All their befl flocks, whofe dainty wo lie conforts

It felfe with Scarlet in all Princes Courts,

Not lafon nor the adv enter ous youths of Greece

Did bring from Colcos any richer Fleece.

In Emulation of the Gretian force

Thefe Worthies nineprepard a woodden horfe,

147 ^ A nd, prick 'd with pride of like fucceffe, divife

How they may purchafe glory by this prize ;

And, if they give to Hidreas head the fall,

It will re7naine a plat forme unto all

Theire brave atchivements, and in time to comme,

Per fas aut nefas, they V ereB a throne,

Cloubs are turnd trumps : fo now the lott is cafl:

With fire and f word to Hidras den they hafte^

Mars in th' affendant, Soil in Cancer now.

And Lerna Lake to Plutos court muft bow.

What though they \be\ rebuk'd by thundring love,

Tis neither Gods nor men that can remove

Their mindes from making this a difmall day,

Thefe nine will now be actors in this play.

And

New Englifh Canaan. 293

And Sumon Hidra to appeare anon

Before their witles Combination :

But his undaunted fpirit, nurfd with meate

Such as the Cecrops gave their babes to eate^

Scorn d their bafe accons ; for with Cecrops charme

Hee knew he could defend himf elf e from harme

Of Minos, Eacus, and Radamand,

Princes of Limbo ; who mufl out of hand

Confult bout Hidra, what mufl now be done :

Who, having fate in Counfell, one by one

Retorne this anfwere to the Stiggean feinds ;

And firfl grim Minos fpake : mofi loving freinds,

Hidra prognoflicks ruine to ourfiate

And that our Kingdome will grow defolate ;

But if one head from thence be tane away

The Body and the members will decay.

* To take in hand, quoth^ Eacus, this tafke, * 148

Isfuch as harebraind Phaeton did afke

Of Phebus, to begird the world about ;

Which graunted put the Netherlands to rout ;

Prefumptious fooles learne wit at too much cofl.

For life and laboure both at once hee Iq/l,

Sterne Radamantus, being lafl to fpeake.

Made a great hum and thus didfilence breake :

What if with ratling chaines or Iron bands,

Hidra be bound either by feete or hands,

And after, being lafhd with fmarting rodds,

Hee be convey d by Stix unto the godds

1 [what] StQ/upra, 11 1, note i.

294 New Englifh Canaan.

To be accufed on the upper ground
Of Lefce Majejlatis, this crime found
T' will be unpofjible from thence^ I trow e^
Hidra fkall come to trouble us belowe.
This fentence p leaf d the friends exceedingly^
That up they tofl their bonnets, and did cry.
Long live our Court in great profperity.
The Sefjfions ended, fome didflraight devife
Court Revells, antiques and a world of joyes,
Brave Chriflmas gambols : ^ there was open hall
Kept to the fUl^ and f port ^ the Divell and all :
Laboure 's defpifed, the loomes are laid away,
And this proclaimed the Stigean Holliday,
In came grim Mino, with his motly beard.
And brought a diflillation well prepard ;
And Eacus, who is as fuer as text,
Came in with his preparatives the next ;
Then Radamantus, lafl and principall,
Feafied the Worthies in his fumptuous halL
149 * There Charon Cerberous and the rout of feinds

Had lap enough : andfo their paflims ends.

THE ILLVSTRATIONS.

NOw to illuftrate this Poem, and make the fence more
plaine, it is to be confidered that the Perfons at
Ma-re-Mount were feaven, and they had feaven, heads and

14.

1 " Brave Chriftmas gambols " were, in the Plymouth of 1628. (See Bradford,
it may be remarked, not greatly in vogue p. 112.)

New Englifh Canaan. 295

14. feete ; thefe were accounted Hidra with the feaven heads :
and the Maypole, with the Homes nailed neere the topp,
was the forked tayle of this fuppofed Monfter, which they
(for want of fkill) impofed : yet feared in time, (if they hin-
dred not mine Hoil), hee would hinder the benefit of their
Beaver trade, as hee had done, (by meanes of this helpe,/ in
Kynyback river finely, ere they were awares ; who, com-
ming too late, were much difinaide to finde that mine Hofl
his boate had gleaned away all before they came; which
Beaver is a fitt companion for Scarlett : and I beleeve that
lafons golden Fleece was either the fame, or fome other
Fleece not of fo much value.

This aftion bred a kinde of hart burning in the Plim-
mouth Planters, who after fought occafion againft mine
Hofl to overthrowe his undertakings and to deftroy his
Plantation ; whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to
theire Church and State.

* Now when they had begunne with him, they * 150
thought beft to proceede : forafniuch as they thought
themfelves farre enough from any controule of luftice, and
therefore refolved to be their owne carvers : (and the rather
becaufe they prefiamed upon fome incouragement they had
from the favourites of their Se6l in England : ) and with
fire and fword, nine in number, purfued mine Hofl, who
had efcaped theire hands, in fcorne of what they intended,
and betooke him to his habitation in a night of great
thunder and lightening, when they durft not follow him, as
hardy as thefe nine worthies feemed to be.

It was in the Moneth of lune that thefe Marfhallifts had

appointed

296 New Englifh Canaan.

appointed to goe about this mifcheifous proje6l, and deale
fo crabbidly with mine Hoft.

After a parly, hee capitulated with them about the quarter
they proffered him, if hee would confent to goe for England,
there to anfwere, (as they pretended,) fome thing they could
obje(?i; againft him principall to the generall : But what it
would be hee cared not, neither was it any thing materiall.

Yet when quarter was agreed upon, they, contrary wife,
abufed him, and carried him to theire towne of Plimmouth,
where, (if they had thought hee durft have gone to Eng-
land,) rather then they would have bin any more affronted
by him they would have difpatched him, as Captaine Shrimp
in a rage profeft that hee would doe with his Pifloll, as mine
Hofl fliould fet his foote into the boate. Howfoever, the
cheife Elders voyce in that place was more powerful!
"^151 than any of the reft, who concluded "^to fend mine
Hoil without any other thing to be done to him.
And this being the finall agreement, (contrary to Shrimpe
and others,) the nine Worthies had a great Feaft made, and
the furmity^ pott was provided for the boats gang by no
allowance : and all manner of paftime.

Captaine Shrimpe was fo overjoyed in the performance of
this exployt, that they had, at that time, extraordinary merri-
ment, (a thing not ufuall amongft thofe prefifians) ; and
when the winde ferved they tooke mine Hoft into their
Shallop, hoyfed Saile, and carried him to the Northern
parts ; where they left him upon a Ifland.

Chapter XVIII.

"^ Supra, 163, note i.

New Englifh Canaan. 297

Chap. XVIII.

Of a Do5lor made at a Commencement in New Canaan}

THe Church of Plimmouth, having due regard to the
weak publike and the Brethren that were to come over,
and knowing that they would be bufily imployed to make
provifion for the cure of Soules, and therefore might negleft
the body for that time, did hold themfelves to be in duety
bound to make fearch for a fitting man, that might be able,
(if fo neede requir'd,) to take the chardge upon him in that
place of imployment : and therefore called a Counfell of the a Cotmceii
whole Synagoge : amongfl which company, they chofe out a "^"^ ^ '
man that long time had bin nurft up in the tender
bofome of the Church: one that had ^fpeciall gifts: * 152
hee could wright and reade ; nay, more : hee had
tane the oath of abjuration, which is a fpeciall ftepp^ yea,
and a maine degree unto perferment. Him they weane,
and out of Phaos boxe ^ fitt him with fpeciall guifts of no
leffe worth : they Itile him Do6lor, and forth they fend him
to gaine imployement and opinion.

What luck is it I cannot hit on his name : but I will give

you

1 The perfonage referred to, in this ment in the text. At Plymouth, befides

amufmg but extremely fcurrilous chapter, being the phyfician of the colony, he

is Dr. Samuel Fuller. There is a notice was "a magiftrate and a deacon of the

of Dr. Fuller in Young's Chron. of Pilg. church. He died there, of an infe6tious

(p. 222, note)^ and in EHot's Biog. DUl. fever, in 1633, and his beft poffible epi-

He was one of thofe who came over in taph is read in Bradford (p. 314) : "A

the J/^j^/Z^w-^ry but thathe was born in man godly, and forward to do good,

the County of Somerfet, and bred a being much miffed after his death.'''

butcher, appears only from the ftate- 2 jnfra^ 345, note.

298 New Englifh Canaan.

you him by a periphralis, that you may know him when you
meete him next.

Hee was borne at Wrington, in the County of Somerfet,
where hee was bred a Butcher. Hee weares a longe beard,
and a Garment Hke the Greeke that beggd in Pauls
Church.-^ This new made Do6lor, comes to Salem to con-
gratulate : ^ where hee findes fome are newly come from Sea,
and ill at eafe.

He takes the patient, and the urinall : eies the State
there; findes the Crafis Syptomes, and the attomi natan-
tes : and tells the patient that his difeafe was winde, which
hee had tane by gapeing feafling over board ^ at Sea ; but hee
would quickly eafe him of that greife, and quite expell the
winde. And this hee did performe, with his gifts hee had :
and then hee handled the patient fo handfomely, that hee
eafed him of all the winde hee had in an inftant.

And yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if hee were
made a fitting Plant for Heaven.

How hee went to worke with his gifts is a queftion ; yet
hee did a great cure for Captaine Littleworth, hee cured
him of a difeafe called a wife : * and yet I hope this man

may

1 Paul's Walk, as the central nave likewife vifited Charleftown. (Young's
of old St. Paul's was called, was in the Chron. of Pilg.^ p. 222, note^

reign of Charles I. much what a bufi- ^ ^his defcription of the ufual efFe6l

nefs arcade is now. There is a vivid of fea-ficknefs I take to be peculiar to

defcription of it, with extra6ts from Morton.

writers of the time, in W. H. Ainf- * Endicott's firft wife was Anna Go-
worth's romance, Old St. PauVs (B. 11. ver, a coufm of Governor Cradock.
ch. 7). See alfo, Gardiner's Charles I. Little is known of her. She came to
(vol. ii. p. 11). New England with her hufband, and

2 The vifit of Dr. Fuller to Salem, died during the very early days of
referred to in the text, may have taken the fettlement, as fhe feems to have
place in 1628. Though he was alfo there been in failing health in September,
in 1629 ; and again in 1630, when he 1628. Endicott was married to his

fecond

New Englifh Canaan. 299

may be forgiven, if fhee were made a fitting plant for
heaven.

^By this meanes hee was allowed 4. p. a moneth, "^ 153
and the chirgeon's chefl, and made Phifition generall
of Salem : where hee exercifed his gifts fo well, that of full
42. that there hee tooke to cure, there is not one has more
caufe to complaine, or can fay black 's his eie. This faved
Captaine Littleworths credit, that had truck'd away the
vittels : though it brought forth a fcandall on the Country
by it : and then I hope this man may be forgiven, if they
were all made fitting plants for Heaven.

But in mine opinion, hee deferves to be fet upon, a palfrey
and lead up and downe in triumph throw new Canaan, with
a coller of lurdans about his neck, as was one of like defert
in Richard the feconds time through the ftreets of London,
that men might know where to finde a Quackfaluer.^

Chapter XIX.

fecond wife Auguft i8, 1630; on the would indicate that the cafe had then

17th of the following month he fat among been handed down as a tradition for two

the magiftrates at Bofton in judgment hundred and fifty years. It feems that

upon the author of the New Canaan, Clerk gave Hacche a bit of old parch-

who had been "fent for" juft five days ment, rolled up in "a piece of cloth of

after the marriage, which feems to have gold," aflerting that it was very good

taken place at Charleftown. (Winthrop, for the ailments with which his wife

vol. i. p. *3o ; Young's Ch?'on. of Mafs., was afili(5led. Upon being arraigned,

pp. 131, 292; Supra, 43-4-) Clerk contended that upon the parch-

1 This was the cafe of Roger Clerk, ment was written "a good charm for

of Wandfworth, attached in the cham- fevers." Upon examination, no word

ber of the Guildhall of London, before of the alleged charm was found in the

the mayor and aldermen, on the 13th paper. The court then told the prifoner

of May, 1382, on a plea of deceit and "that a fi:raw beneath his foot would

falfehood as to Roger atte Hacche. be of juft as much avail for fevers,

The record is to be found in Riley's as this charm of his was ; whereupon,

Mejnorials of London and London he fully granted that it would be fo.

Life (pp. 464-6), and is very curious as And becaufe that the fame Roger Clerk

illuftrating Englifli manners in the time was in no way a literate man, and fee-

of Richard II. Morton's reference ing that on the examinations aforefaid,

(as

300 New Englifh Canaan.

Chap. XIX.

0/ the Jllencing of a Minijler in new Canaan}

filenced Minifter, out of coveteoufneffe,^ came over into
new Canaan to play the fpie : Hee pretended, out of

(as well as others afterwards made,)
he was found to be an infidel, and alto-
gether ignorant of the art of phyfic or
of furgery ; and to the end that the peo-
ple might not be deceived and aggrieved
by fuch ignorant perfons, etc. ; it was
adjudged that the fame Roger Clerk
fhould be led through the middle of the
City, with trumpets and pipes, he riding
on a horfe without a faddle, the faid
parchment and a whetftone, for his lies,
being hung about his neck, an urinal
alfo being hung before him, and another
urinal on his back."

The punifhment of the "pillory and
the whetftone," as it was called, was
that ordinarily impofed on thofe teUing
falfehoods. In another cafe in the fame
volume (p. 316) it is thus given in de-
tail: "The faid John fhall come out
of Newgate without hood or girdle,
barefoot and unfhod, with a whetftone
hung by a chain from his neck, and
lying on his breaft, it being marked with
the words, — 'A falfe har;' and there
fhall be a pair of trumpets trumpeting
before him on his way to the pillory."

1 The perfon referred to in this chap-
ter was probably the Rev. Francis
Bright, of whom very little is known.
He was one of the three minifters fent
over by the Maffachufetts Company in
1629, Higginfon and Skelton being the
other two. In June of that year, when
Graves and the Spragues were fent by
Endicott to effe6t a fettlement at
Charleftown, Bright accompanied them
as "minifter to the Company's fervants."

(Young's Chron. of Mafs., pp. 316,
376.) As fuch, he was the Caiaphas,
or high-prieft, of that region, and it
naturally devolved on him to " exer-
cife his guifts on the Lords day at
Weenafimute." Morton further fays
that the perfon he refers to had been
a filenced minifter in England. That
Bright had been filenced is not known,
but both Skelton and Higginfon had
been {Magnalia, B. i. ch. iv. § 4;
Neal's Hiji. of PuritaJts, vol. ii. p. 229);
and, though Hubbard intimates that
Bright was a conformifl; (p. 113), yet,
in the Company's letter to Endicott, the
three minifters are flated to have " de-
clared themfelves to us to be of one
judgment, and to be fully agreed on the
manner how to exercife their miniftry."
(Young's Chro7i. of Pilg.^ p. 160.) Win-
throp, Morton adds, "fpied out Caiphas
praftife ; and he muft be packing."
Bright returned to England ftiortly after
Winthrop's arrival. Johnfon fays {Won.
der-workitig Providence, p. 20) that he
"betooke him to the Seas againe,"
when he faw that "all forts of ftones
would not fit in the building."

Samuel Skelton is referred to by
Morton a few pages further on {Ififra,
306) as " Paftor Mafter Eager," which
name maybe taken to imply "covetouf-
nefs " in him. But, though Skelton
might be termed the " Caiphas " of the
country, he was not filenced by Win-
throp. He can, therefore, hardly be the
perfon here aimed at.

2 [courteoufneffe.] S^tfupra, 1 1 1, «. i.

New Englifh Canaan. 301

a zealous intent to doe the Salvages good, and to teach
them. Hee brought a great Bundell of Home books with
him, and carefull hee was, (good man,) to blott out all the
croffes of them, for feare leafl the people of the land fhould
become Idolaters. Hee was in hope, with his gifts, to
prepare a great auditory againfl: greate lofua fhould arive
there.

^ Hee applyed himfelfe on the weeke dayes to the * 154
trade of Beaver, but it was, (as might feeme,) to
purchafe the principall benefite of the Lande, when the time
fhould come ; for hee had a hope to be the Caiphas of the
Country: and well hee might, for hee was higher by the
head than any of his tribe that came after him.

This man, it feemes, played the fpie very handfomely ; for
in the exercife of his guifts on the Lords day at Weenafi- This caipha
mute,^ hee efpied a Salvage come in with a good ^^^csi^x da?ine'th co-
coate, and tooke occafion to reproove the covetous defire of Zl7{o'£nit-
his auditory to trade for Beaver on thofe dayes ; which Jf'J^ ^''■"'"
made them all ufe fo much modefly about the matter for the
prefent, that hee found opportunity, the fame day, to take
the Salvage a fide into a corner, where (with the helpe of
his Wampampeack hee had in his pocket for that purpofe
in a readineffe,) hee made a fhifte to get that Beaver coate,
which their mouthes watered at ; and fo deceaved them all.

But fhortly after, when lofua ^ came into the Land, hee
had foone fpied out Caiphas pradife, and put him to filence ;

and

1 Supra, ii<^, note 3, and 300, note i. Morton always defignates Governor

2 lofua Temperwell. Under this name John Winthrop.

302 New Englifk Canaan.

and either hee muft put up his pipes and be packing, or

forfake lonas pofture, and play

Demas part alltoge-

ther.i

^155 ^Chap. XX.

Of the Pra5life of the Seperatifls to gett a fnare to hamper
mine Hofl of Ma-re-Mount,

Lthough the nine Worthies had left mine Hofte upon
an Ifland,^ in fuch an inhumane manner as yee heard
before ; yet when they underftood that hee had got fhipping
and was gone to England of his owne accord, they dif-
patched letters of advife to an Agent they had there : and
by the next fhipp fent after to have a fnare made, that
might hamper mine Hofl: fo as hee might not any more
trouble theire confcience : and to that end made a generall
Thegeneraii collcftion of Bcavcr to defray the chardge,^ and hee was not
'mafe'^'' thought a good Chriflian that would not lay much out for
that imployment.

Some contributed three pounds, fome foure, fome five
pounds; and procured a pretty quantity by that Devife,
which fhould be given to a cunning man that could make
a fnare to hamper him. q,,

1 Caiaphas was the high-prieft of the mentioned by Paul as a fellow-difciple

Jews ; Jonas, or Jonah, was the firft who had forfaken him, " having loved

Hebrew prophet fent to a heathen na- this prefent world, and is departed unto

tion. The propriety of thefe two Bibli- Theffalonica." (II. Timothy iv. 10.)
cal allufions in this connexion is, there- ^ Supra, *I44, *I5I.
fore, apparent enough. The allufion to ^ Supra, 30.
Demas is more obfcure, as he is only

New Englifh Canaan. 303

The Agent, (according to his direftions,) does his endeav-
oure, (in the belt manner hee could,) to have this inftrument Noecoji/pa-
made : and ufed no little diligence to have it effecled.-^ His "'getuZ^ofa
reputation flood upon the tafke impofed upon him againft-^''^^'"'^^ '^^^^^
mine Hofl, the onely enemy (accounted) of their Church
and State.

Much inquiry was made in London, and about, for a
fkillfuU man that would worke the feate. Noe cofl
^ was fpared, for gold hee had good ftore : firfl hee "^ 156
inquires of one, and then another : at the lafh hee
heard newes of a very famous man, one that was excellent
at making fubtile inftruments, fuch as that age had never
bin acquainted with.

Hee was well knowne to be the man, that had wit and
wondrous fkill to make a cunning inftrument where with to
fave himfelfe and his whole family, if all the world befides
fhould be drown'd ; and this the beft ; yea, and the beft
cheap too, for, no good done, the man would nothing take. "

To him this agent goes, and praies his aide : Declares his
caufe, and tells the fubftance of his greivance, all at large,
and laid before his eies a heape of gold.

When all was fhewd, that could be flie'd, and faid, what
could be faid, and all too little for to have it done, the agent Thehcapeof
then did fee his gold ref ufed, his caufe defpifed, and thought ^^ ' '
himfelfe difgraced to leave the worke undone : fo that hee
was much difmaid, yet importun'd the cunning [man], who
found no reafon to take the tafke in hand.

Hee thought, perhaps, mine Hoit, (that had the flight to
efcape from the nine Worthies, to chaine Argus eies, and by

inchauntment

1 Supra, 35.

304

New Englifh Canaan.

Mine Hojl
arrived a-
gaine in
Plimmouth.

inchauntment make the doores of the watch tower fly open
at an inflant,) would not be hampered, but with much a
doe: and fo hee was unwiUing to be troubled with that
talke.

The agent wondring to fee that his gold would doe no
good, did aflce the cunning man if hee could give him no

advife ? who faid, hee would : and what was that,
^157 thinke you? To let mine Hofl alone. Who, * being

fliip'd againe for the parts of New Canaan, was put
in at Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible
amazement to fee him at liberty : and told him hee had not
yet fully anfwered the matter they could obje6l againll him.
Hee onely made this modeft reply, that hee did perceave
they were willfull people, that would never be anfwered:
and derided them for their pradifes and loffe of laboure.^

Chap. XXI

Charter par-
ty Treaforer.

Of Captaine Littleworth his new devife for the purchafe of

Beaver,

IN the meane time, whiles thefe former paffages were,
there was a great fwelling fellow, of Littleworth, crept
over to Salem, (by the helpe of Mailer Charter party,^ the
Treforer, and Mafter Ananias Increafe,^ the Colle6ior for the

Company

1 Supra^ 37.

2 By this name Morton defignates
Matthew Cradock, the firffc Governor
of the Maffachufetts Bay Company,
though he never came to America.
Cradock was a wealthy London mer-

chant, and as fuch fubfcribed largely to
the funds of the company. In regard
to him, fee Dr. Young's note in Chron.
of Mafs. (p. 137).

3 It is not clear who Morton may
have intended to defignate by this

New Englifh Canaan. 305

Company of Seperatifls,) to take upon him their imploy-
ments for a time.

Hee, refolving to make hay whiles the Sonne did fhine,
firfl pretended himfelfe to be fent over as cheife luftice of the
Maffachuffets Bay and Salem, forfoth, and tooke unto him a
councell ; and a worthy one no doubt, for the Cowkeeper of
Salem was a prime man in thofe imployments ; and to ad
a Majefty, (as hee thought,) to his new affumed dignity, hee
caufed the Patent of the Maffachuffets, (new brought into
the Land,) to be carried where hee went in his progreffe
to and froe, as an embleme of his authority: which
^the vulgar people, not acquainted with, thought it to ^158
be fome inflrument of Mufick locked up in that cov-
ered cafe,^ and thought, (for fo fome faid,) this man of little-
worth had bin a fidler, and the rather becaufe hee had put

into

name. John Wafhburne was the fecre- ernor Winthrop is fuppofed to have

tary and "colleftor for the company" brought over the charter of 1629, is ftill

at the time Endicott was fent over, but to be feen in the office of the Secre-

of him nothing is known. (Young's tary of the Commonwealth at the State

Chron. of Mafs.,^. ^S-) It would fee m Houfe in Bofton ; and that in which

more probable ' that Increafe Nowell Endicott brought over the patent of

was the perfon Morton had in mind. 1628 was, it may be inferred from the

Nowell was one of the original paten- text, fimilar in appearance. It very

tees, contributing money to forward the much refembles the cafe for " fome in-

purpofes of the company, ferving on ftrument of mufick," being a flat, nar-

committees, &c. {lb., p. 262.) He row box, 2 feet 10 inches long, by ^iVz

came to New England with Winthrop, inches wide and 3 inches deep. It has

and was among the magiflrates who a fpecies of circular annex, fo to fpeak,

were prefent at the trial of Morton in at its middle, intended to contain the leal.

September, 1630. {Records, vol. i. This annex, like the box, is of wood,

PP- 73» 7S') He was the firft ruling- and is 7 by 8 inches in furface, and the

elder of the Charleftown church. He fame in depth as the main cafe, of which

is defcribed as having been " a worthy it is a part. The whole is covered with

pious man " (Eliot) ; and if he was the ftamped leather, now brown and mould-

perfon intended by Morton, — which is ered with age. There are, however,

not at all clear, — the propriety of call- fome things about this cafe which fug-

ing him Ananias, if it refts on anything, geft doubts as to its having been made

is not apparent from the record. quite fo early as the time of Charles I.
1 The " covered cafe," in which Gov-

3o6

New EngliJJi Canaan.

Warrants
made by
Capt. Little-
worth in his
name.

into the mouthes of poore filly things, that were fent alonge
with him, what fkill hee had in Engines, and in things of
quaint devife: all which prooved in conclufion to be but
impoftury.

This man, thinking none fo worthy as himfelfe, tooke
upon him infinitely : and made warrants in his owne name,
(without relation to his Majefiiies authority in that place,)
and fiimmoned a generall apparance at the worfiiipfull towne
of Salem : ^ there in open affembly was tendered certaine
Articles, devifed betweene him and theire new Paftor Mafi;er
Eager,^ (that had renounced his old calling to the Minifiry
receaved in England, by warrant of Gods word, and taken a
new one there, by their fantafi;icall way impofed, and con-
ferred upon him with fome fpeciall guifts had out of Phaos
boxe.) ^

To thefe Articles every Planter, old and new, mufi; figne,
or be expelled from any manner of aboade within the Com-
pas of the Land contained within that graunt then fhewed :
which was fo large it would fiafiice for Elbow roome for more
then were in all the Land by 700000. fuch an army might
have planted them a Colony with [in] that cirquit which hee
challenged, and not contend for roome for their Cattell.
But for all that, hee that fhould refufe to fubfcribe, mufl
pack.

The tenor of the Articles were thefe: That in all

caufes,

1 In regard to this meeting at Salem, ^ Seefupra 300, note i.

and the adion taken at it, ite fupra, ^ This refers to the famous Salem

38-40. No record or other mention of ordination of Skelton and Higginfon,

it, except that contained in the text, has July 20 and Auguft 6, 1629 ; in regard

come down to us. to which fee Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 295-6.

New Englifh Canaan. 307

* caufes, as well Ecclejiajiicall as Poliiicall, weejhould ^159
follow the rule of Gods word.

This made a fhew of a good intent, and all the affembly, Mim mji
(onely mine Hofl replyed,) did fubfcribe : hee would not, ■^nou^'^^'^
unleffe they would ad this Caution: So as nothing be done
contrary or repugnant to the Lawes of the Kingdome of Eng-
land. Thefe words hee knew, by former experience, were
neceffary, and without thefe the fame would proove a very
moufetrapp to catch fome body by his owne confent, (which
the reft nothing fufpefted,) for the conftru6lion of the worde
would be made by them of the Seperation to ferve their
owne turnes : and if any man fhould, in fuch a cafe, be
accufed of a crime, (though in it felfe it were petty,) they
might fet it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary gifts,
and ftretch it to make it feeme cappitall ; which was the rea-
fon why mine Hofl refufed to fubfcribe.

It was then agreed upon that there fhould be one generall The Patent.
trade ufed within that Patent, (as hee faid,) and a generall
flock : and every man to put in a parte : and every man, for
his perfon, to have fhares alike : and for their ftock, accord-
ing to the ratable proportion was put in : and this to con-
tinue for 12. moneths, and then to call an accompt.

All were united, but mine Hoft refufed : two truckmaflers
were chofen ; wages prefixed ; onely mine Hofl put in a Aiicon/ented
Caviat that the wages might be paid out of the cleare ho^]^^^
proffit, which there in black and white was plainely put
downe.

^ But before the end of 6. moneths, the partners in * 160
this flock, (handled by the Truckmafters,) would
have an accoumpt : fome of them had perceaved that Wam-

pambeacke

3o8 New Englifk Canaan.

pambeacke could be pocketted up, and the underlings, (that
went in the boats alonge,) would bee neere the Wifer for
any thinge, but what was trucked for Beaver onely.
injieedof The accoumpt being made betweene Captaine Little-
/r^//^' worth, and the two Truckmaflers, it was found that inflead
of increaling the proffit, they had decreafed it ; for the
principall flock, by this imployment, was freetted fo, that
there was a great hole to be feene in the very middle of it,
which cofl the partners afterwards one hundred markes to
flopp and make good to Captaine Littleworth.

But mine Hoft, that flurred not his foote at all for the
matter, did not onely fave his flock from fuch a Cancar, but
gained fixe and feaven for one: in the meane time hee
derided the Contributers for being catch'd in that fnare.

Chap. XXII.

Of a Sequejlration made in New Canaan}

CAptaine Littleworth, (that had an akeing tooth at mine
Holl of Ma-re-Mount,) devifed how hee might put a
trick upon him, by colour of a Sequeflration ; and got fome
perfons to pretend that hee had corne and other
^ i6i goods of theirs in poffeffion ; and the * rather becaufe
mine Hoft had flore of corne and hee had improv-
idently truckt his flore for the prefent gaine of Beaver ; in fo
much that his people under his chardge were put to fhort
allowance, which caufed fome of them to ficken with con-

ceipt

1 Supra, 41-2.

New Englifh Canaan. 309

ceipt of fuch ufeage, and fome of them by the pra6life of the
new entertained Dodor Noddy, with his Imaginary gifts.
They fent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim Minos,
Eacus and Radamant, where they wifhed to have the author
of their greife to be convented : ^ and they had procured it
quickly, if curfes would have caufed it : for good prayers
would be of no validity, (as they fuppofed,) in this extremity.

Now in this extremity Capt. Little worth gave commiffion
to fuch as hee had found ready for fuch imployments to Commi/fion
enter in the howfe at Ma-re-Mount, and, with a fhallop, to J''''''^''^'
bring from thence fuch corne and other utenfilles as in their
commiffion hee had fpecified. But mine Hofl, wary to pre-
vent eminent mifcheife, had conveyed his powther and fhott,
(and fuch other things as flood him in mofl fteed for his pref-
ent condition,) into the woods for fafety: and, whiles this
was put in pra6life by him, the fhallop was landed and the
Commiffioners entred the howfe, and willfully bent againfl
mine honefl Hofl, that loved good hofpitality. After they had Mine mjis
feafbed their bodies with that they found there, they carried ^ZrrieTj^a^
all his corne away, with fome other of his goods, contrary to ^^ ^'''^^^"^^'
the Lawes of hofpitality : a fmale parcell of refufe corne
onely excepted, which they left mine Hofl to keepe Chrifl-
mas with.

^ But when they were gone, mine Hoft fell to make "^162
ufe of his gunne, (as one that had a good faculty in
the ufe of that inflrument,) and feafted his body neverthe-
leffe with fowle and venifon, which hee purchafed with the
helpe of that inftrument, the plenty of the Country and
the commodioufnes of the place affording meanes, by the

bleffmg

1 [converted] See /up r a in, note i.

3IO New Engli/h Canaan.

bleffing of God ; and hee did but deride Captaine Little-
worth, that made his fervants fnap Ihorte in a Country fo
much abounding with plenty of foode for an induflrious
man, with greate variety.

Chap. XXIII.

Of a great Bonfire made for toy of the arrivall of great
lofua, furnamed Temperwell^ into the Land of Canaan}

SEaven fhipps fet forth at once, and altogether arrived
in the Land of Canaan, to take a full poffeffion thereof :
What are all the 12. Tribes of new Ifraell come? No,
none but the tribe of Iffacar, and fome few fcattered Le-
vites of the remnant of thofe that were defcended of old
Elies howfe.

And here comes their lofua too among them ; and they
make it a more miraculous thing for thefe feaven fhipps to
fet forth together, and arrive at New Canaan together, then
it was for the Ifraelites to goe over Jordan drifhod : per-
haps it was, becaufe they had a wall on the right hand and

a wall on the left hand.
'^ 163 *" Thefe Seperatifts fuppofe there was no more
difficulty in the matter then for a man to finde the
way to the Counter at noone dayes, betweene a Sergeant

and

^ The arrival of Winthrop's fleet in he difliked him, always refers to Win-
June, 1630, is here referred to. It has throp, if not with refpe6t, yet with a
already been ftated that lofua Temper- certain reftraint of tone and infinuation
well is intended for Governor Winthrop. which he did not fhow to others, fuch
It will be noticed that Morton, much as as Endicott, Fuller and Standilh.

New Englifh Canaan. 3 1 1

and his yeoman: Now you may thinke mine Hofl will be
hamperd or never.

Thefe are the men that come prepared to ridd the Land Men that
of all pollution. Thefe are more fubtile then the Cunning, ^h^^ianr^"^
that did refufe a goodly heap of gold.-^ Thefe men have ^^^^^^'''''•
brought a very fnare indeed ; and now mine Hoft muft fuffer.
The book of Common Prayer, which hee ufed, to be defpifed :
and hee muft not be fpared.

Now they are come, his doome before hand was concluded
on : they have a warrant now : A cheife one too : and now
mine Hoft muft know hee is the fubje6l of their hatred : the
Snare muft now be ufed ; this inftrument muft not be brought
by lofua in vaine.^

A Court is called of purpofe for mine hoft : hee there a Courte

,1 1 ni 1*1 ^ c 1 called about

convented, and muft heare his doome before hee goe : nor mine hoji.
will they admitt him to capitulate, and know wherefore they
are fo violent to put fuch things in praftife againft a man
they never faw before : nor will they allow of it, though hee
decline their lurifdiftion.

There they all with one affent put him to filence, cry- a diveiu/ii
ing out, heare the Governour, heare the Govern : who glbiJiHm.
gave this fentence againft mine Hoft at firft fight : that he
fhould be firft put in the Billbowes, his goods ftiould be all
confifcated, his Plantation ftiould be burned downe to the
ground, becaufe the habitation of the wicked ftiould
no more appeare in Ifraell, and * his perfon banifhed ^ 164
from thofe territories ; and this put in execution with
all fpeede.^ ^1

i Supra, *I56. to the Lords of the Council. {Proc. of

2 Supra, ^1. See, alfo, the petition of Mafs. Hiji. Soc. 1860-2, p. 133.)
Winflow, while a prifoner in the Fleet, ^ Supra, 43-5.

The Salvages
reproove

Epidletus
fumma to-
tius Philofo-
phice.

312 New Englifh Canaan.

The harmeles Salvages, (his neighboures,) came the while,
(greived, poore filly lambes, to fee what they went about,)
and did reproove thefe Eliphants of witt for their inhumane
deede : the Lord above did open their mouthes like Balams
Affe, and made them fpeake in his behalfe fentences of
unexpe6led divinity, befides morrallity ; and tould them that
god would not love them that burned this good mans howfe-
and plainely fayed that they who were new come would finde
the want of fuch a howfes in the winter : fo much themfelves
to him confeft.

The fmoake that did affend appeared to be the very
Sacrifice of Kain. Mine Hofl, (that a farre of abourd a fhip
did there behold this wofull fpeftacle,) knew not what hee
Ihould doe in this extremity but beare and forbeare, as Epic-
tetus fayes ^ : it was booteleffe to exclaime.

Hee did confider then thefe tranfitory things are but ludi-
bria fortunce^ as Cicero calls them. All was burnt downe to
the ground, and nothing did remaine but the bare afhes as
an embleme of their cruelty : and unles it could, (like to
the Phenix,) rife out of thefe afhes and be new againe, (to
the immortall glory and renowne of this fertile Canaan the

new,)

^ T. W. Higginfon, who in 1866 pub-
lilhed a tranflation of Epi6letus, fur-
nifhes me the following note on this
allufion : "The phrafe ' bear and for-
bear' has always been received as the
formula efpecially charafleriftic of Epic-
tetus. It is moft explicitly preferved to
us in the No^es Atticce of Aulus Gellius
(B. XVII. ch. xix. §§ 5-6). Gellius fays :
' Verba duo dicebat : ' Kviyov koL aTrc^ov,'
having previoully explained their mean-
ing. There was in 1634 no Englifh

tranflation of any portion of Epi6letus
containing the phrafe ; nor was he an
author then much read at the Englifli
univerfities. Morton probably, there-
fore, got the quotation from the Latin
of Aulus Gellius ; if, indeed, he did not
pick it up in liflening to the talk of
fome more fcholarly man, — poffibly
Ben Jonfon."

2 Ille haec ludibria fortunae, ne fua
quidem putavit, quae nos appelamus
etiam bona. {Paradoxa, I. i.)

New Englifh Canaan. 3 ^ 3

new,) the ftumpes and poftes in their black liveries will
mourne; and piety it felfe will add a voyce to the bare
remnant of that Monument, and make it cry for recom-
pence, (or elfe revenge,) againfl the Secft of cruell Schif-
maticks.

^Chap. XXIV. ^165

Of the digrading and creating gentry in New Canaan}

THere was a zealous Profeffor in the Land of Canaan,
(growne a great Merchant in the Beaver trade,) that
came over for his confcience fake, (as other men have done,)
and the meanes, (as the phrafe is,) who in his minority had
bin prentice to a tombe maker; who, comming to more
ripenes of yeares, (though leffe difcretion,) found a kinde of
fcruple in his confcience that the trade was in parte againfl
the fecond commandement : ^ and therefore left it off wholely,
and betooke himfelfe to fome other imployments.

In the end hee fettled upon this courfe, where hee had
hope of preferrement, and become one of thofe things that
any ludas might hange himfelfe upon, that is an Elder. An Eider.

Hee had bin a man of fome recconing in his time, (as
himfelfe would boaft,) for hee was an ofEcer, juft under the

Exchequer

1 I am unable to fuggefl any explana- difpleafure " of Governor Winthrop and

tion of the allufions contained in this was degraded.

chapter. There is no apparent clew '^ " Thou fhalt not make unto thee

either to the " zealous Profeffor " whofe any graven image, or any likenefs of

confcience did not permit him to cut anything that is in heaven above, or

tombflones, or to the "gentleman newly that is in the earth beneath, or that is

come into the land," who " incurred the in the water under the earth."

3^4 New Englijlt Canaan.

Exchequer at Wellminfter, in a place called Phlegeton : there
hee was comptroller, and converfed with noe plebejans, I
tell you, but fuch as have angels or their attendance, (I
meane fome Lawyers with appertenances, that is, Clarks,)
with whome a lugg of Beare and a crufty rolle in the terme

is as currant as a three penny fcute at Hall time.
^ i66 * There is another place thereby, called flicks : thefe
are two daingerous places, by which the infernall gods
doe fweare: but this of Sticks is the more daingerous of the
two, becaufe there, (if a man be once in,) hee cannot tell how
to get out againe handfomely

I knew an under flieriff was in unawaires, and hee laboured
to be free of it : yet hee broake his back before he got fo
farre as quietus eft : There is no fuch danger in Phlegeton,
where this man of fo much recconing was comptroller.
lofuadif- Hee being here, waited an opportunity to be made a

gentl. and now it fell out that a gentl. newly come into the
land of Canaan, (before hee knew what ground hee ftood
upon,) had incurred the difpleafure of great lofua fo highly
that hee muft therefore be digraded.

No reconciliation could be had for him : all hopes were
pail for that matter : Where upon this man of much rec-
coning (pretending a graunt of the approach in avoydance,)
helpes the lame dogge over the flile, and was as jocund on
the matter as a Magpie over a Mutton.

Wherefore the Heralls, with Drums, and Trumpets, pro-
claiming in a very folemne manner that it was the pleafure of
Majier great lofua, (for divers and fun dry very good caufes and con-

fiderations, Mafter Temperwell thereunto efpecially moov-
ing,) to take away the title, prerogative and preheminence

pleafed.

Temperwell.

New Englifh Canaan. 315

of the Delinquent, fo unworthy of it, and to place the fame
upon a Profeffor of more recconing : fo that it was
made ^ a penall thing for any man after to lifte the ^ 167
fame man againe on the top of that ftile, but that
hee fhould fland perpetually digraded from that prerogative.
And the place by this meanes being voyde, this man, of fo
much more reckoning, was receaved in like a Cypher to fill
up a roome, and was made a Gentleman of the firft head ;
and his Coate of Armes, blazon'd and tricked out fit for that
purpofe, in this Poem following.

THE POEM.

WHat ailes Pigmalion? Is it Lunacy ;
Or Doteage on his owne Itnagery ?
Let him remember how hee came from Hell,
That after ages by record may tell

The compleate flory to poflerity.

Blazon his Coate in forme of Heraldry.

Hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund, Put it this

A barre betweene three crufly rolls at hand, "^^^'

And, for his crefl, with froth, there does appeare
Dextra Paw Elevant a lugg of beare.

Now, that it may the more eafily be underflood, I have
here endeavoured to fet it forth in thefe illuftrations follow-
ing : Pigmalion was an Image maker, who, doteing on his
owne perfe6lion in making the Image of Venus, grew to be

3i6 New EngliJJi Canaan.

a mazed man, like our Gentleman here of the firft head : and
by the figure Antonomafia ^ is hee herein exemplified.

Hee was tranflated from a tombe maker to be the
^ i68 * tapfter at hell, (which is in Weftminfler, under the
Ex-Chequer office,) for benefit of the meanes hee
tranflated himfelfe into New England, where, by the help of
Beaver and the commaund of a fervant or two, hee was
advaunced to the title of a gentleman ; where I left him
to the exercife of his guifts.

Chap. XXV.

Of the manner how the Seperatijis doe pay debts to them
that are without}

THere was an honefl man, one M^ Innocence Faire-
cloath,^ by M"". Mathias Charterparty fent over into
New Canaan, to raife a very good marchantable commodity

for

1 "Antonomafia {Rhet.). The ufe are found ufing it (Bradford, pp. 184,
of the name of fome office, dignity, pro- 187) exaftly as Morton ufes it, who
feffion, fcience or trade, inftead of the probably picked it up at Plymouth,
proper name of the perfon ; as where ^ Innocence Fairecloath is the name
his majejiy is ufed for a king, or his under which Morton alludes to Phihp
lordJJtip for a nobleman, or when, in- Ratcliff. This man was a fervant or
Head of Ariftotle, we fay the philofo- agent of Governor Matthew Cradock.
pherj or, converfely, the ufe of a proper He got into trouble with Endicott and
name inftead of an appellative, as where the members of the Salem church, and,
a wife man is called a Cato, or an emi- according to Winthrop, "being convi6t,
nent orator a Cicero^ the application ore tenus^ of moft foul, fcandalous in-
being fupported by a refemblance in veftives againft our churches and gov-
chara6ler." {Webfier.^ ernment, was cenfured to be whipped,

2 The phrafe " them that are with- lofe his ears, and be banifhed the plan-
out [the church]" calls for no explana- tation, which was prefently executed."
tion. It was common in early New (p. *56.) Another authority fpeaks of
England, and both Lyford and Bradford the offence as a " moft horible blaf-

phemy."

New Englifh Canaan. 317

for his benefit ; for, whiles the man was bound by covenant
to flay for a time, and to imploy fuch fervants as did there
belong to M''. Charterparty,^ hee difdained the tenents of the
Seperatifts : and they alfo, (finding him to be none,) dif-
dained to be imployed by a carnall man, (as they termed
him,) and fought occafion againft him, to doe him a mif
cheife. Intelligence was conveyed to M^ Charterparty that
this man was a member of the Church of England, and
therefore, (in their account,) an enemy to their Church and
ftate. And, (to the end they might have fome coloure
againfl: him,) fome of them pradlifed to get into his debte,
which hee, not mifi:rufl;ing, fuffered, and gave credit for fuch
Commodity as hee had fold at a price. When the day of
payment came, infteede of monyes, hee, being at that time
fick and weake and fl:ood in neede of the Beaver hee had coode Paye-
contracted for, hee had an Epiflle full of zealous
exhortations to provide for the foule ; and * not to ^169
minde thefe tranfitory things that perifhed with the
body, and to bethinke himfelfe whether his confcience would
be fo prompt to demaund fo greate a fomme of Beavef as

had

phemy." (iii. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. viii. the next year Edward Howes wrote out

p. 323.) In the Records of Majfachu- to John Winthrop, Jr. : " I have heard

fetts (p. 88), under date of June 14 diverfe complaints againft the feveritie

(24 N. S.), 1631, the fentence read as of your Government efpecially Mr. In-

follows : "It is ordered, that Phihp dicutts, and that he fhalbe fent for over,

Ratcliffe fhall be whipped, have his about cuttinge off the Lunatick mans

ears cut off, fined 40 1., and banifhed eares, and other grievances." (in.

out of the hmits of this jurifdi6lion, for Mafs. Hift. Cell., vol. ix. p. 244.) In

uttering malicious and fcandalous regard to Ratcliff's fubfequent connec-

fpeeches againft the government and tion with the Gorges-Mafon attacks on

the church of Salem, &c., as appear- the company before the Privy Council,

eth by a particular thereof, proved upon fee fupra, 50-2, 62, and Proceedifigs of

oath." The feverity of this fentence Mafs. Hifi. Soc, vol. xx., January meet-

caufed much fcandal in England after ing, 1883.

Ratcliff returned there, and in April of ^ StQfupra 304, note 2.

mettt.

3i8 New Englifh Canaan,

had bin contrafted for. Hee was further exhorted therein to
conlider hee was but a fteward for a time, and by all likely-
hood was going to give up an accompt of his ftewardfhip :
and therfore perfwaded the creditor not to load his con-
fcience with fuch a burthen, which hee was bound by the
Gofpell to eafe him of (if it were poffible ;) and for that caufe
hee had framed this Epiftle in fuch a freindly maner to put
him in minde of it. The perufall of this, (lap'd in the paper,)
was as bad as a potion to the creditor, to fee his debtor Maf-
ter Subtilety (a zealous profeffor as hee thought) to deride
him in this extremity, that hee could not chufe, (in admira-
tion of the deceipt,) but caft out thefe words :

Are thefe youre members ? if they be all like thefe, I
beleeve the Divell was the fetter of their Church.

This was called in queftion when M"". Fairecloath leaft
thought of it. Capt. Littleworth muft be the man muft
preffe it againft him, for blafphemy againfl the Church of
Salera : and to greate lofua Temperwell hee goes wdth a
Blafphemy bitter accufatiou, to have Matter Innocence made an exam-
ple* for all carnall men to prefume to fpeake the leaft word
that might tend to the difhonor of the Church of Salem ;
yea, the mother Church of all that holy Land.

And hee convented was before their Synagoge, where no
defence would ferve his turne ; yet was there none to be

feene to accufe him, fave the Court alone.
* 1 70 ^ The time of his ficknes, nor the urgent caufe,
were not allowed to be urg'd for him ; but whatfoever
could be thought upon againft him was urged, feeing hee
was a carnall man, of them that are without. So that it
feemes, by thofe proceedings there, the matter was adjudged

before

an example
for carnall
men

New Englifh Canaan. 319

before he came : Hee onely brought to heare his fentence
in publicke : which was, to have his tongue bored through ;
his nofe flit; his face branded; his eares cut; his body to
be whip'd in every feverall plantation of their lurifdiction ;
and a fine of forty pounds impof'd, with perpetuall baniih-
ment : and, (to execute this vengeance,) Shackles,^ (the Dea-
con of Charles Towne,) was as ready as Mephoftophiles, when
Do(?l:or Fauilus was bent upon mifcheife.

Hee is the purfer generall of New Canaan, who, (with his
whipp, with knotts moft terrible,) takes this man unto the
Counting howfe : there capitulates with him why hee fhould
be fo hafty for payment, when Gods deare children muft pay
as they are able : and hee weepes, and fobbes, and his hand-
kercher walkes as a figne of his forrow for Mafter Faire-
cloaths fmne, that hee fhould beare no better affeftion to the
Church and the Saints of New Canaan : and ftrips Inno-
cence the while, and comforts him.

Though hee be made to ftay for payment, hee fliould not

thinke

1 The firft two deacons of the church bered that, thirteen years later, "two of

at Charleftown were Robert Hale and our minifters' fons, being ftudents in

Ralph Monfall. The Charleftown church, the college, robbed two dwelling-houfes

however, was not organized until No- in the night of fome pounds. Being

vember, 1632, fixteen months after Rat- found out, they were ordered by the

cHff's punifhment (Budington's Firjl gouvernours of the college to be there

Church of Charlejiown, pp. 31, 34.) whipped, which was performed by the

The Bofton church in June, 163 1, had prefident himfelf — yet they were about

but one deacon, WilHam Afpinwall 20 years of age." (Winthrop, vol. ii.

(Ellis's Firji Church of Boflon, p. 328), p. *i66.) If the prefident of the college

in regard to whom there is a detailed could officiate at the w^hipping-poll in

note in Savage's Wiitthrop (p. *32). He 1644, in a cafe of what Winthrop calls

was the deacon of the Charleftown "burglary," there feems no good realbn

church at the time Morton was ar- why the deacon of the church lliould

raigned and punifhed, and it is poffible not have officiated there in 1631 in a

that Morton refers to him as Shackles, cafe which the fame authority calls

Afpinwall was a man of prominence in "foul, fcandalous invedives againft our

the fettlement ; but it muft be remem- churches."

3^0 New Englifh Canaan.

thinke it longe ; the payment would be fure when it did

come, and hee fhould have his due to a doite ; hee fhould

Notable Pay. not wifh for a token more ; And then tould it him downe

in fuch manner that hee made F'airecloaths Innocent back

like the pi6lure of Rawhead and blowdy bones, and
^171 his fhirte like a Spudding wifes aperon. In this

imployment Shackles takes a greate felicity, and glo-
ries in the praftife of it. This cruell fentence was ftoped in
part by Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, (then prefent at the execu-
tion,) by expoftulating with Mailer Temperwell : who was
content, (with that whipping and the cutting of parte of his
eares,) to fend Innocence going, with the loffe of all his
goods, to pay the fine impofed, and perpetuall banifhment
out of their Lands of New Canaan, in terrorem populi.

Loe this is the payment you fhall get, if you be one of
them they terme, without.

Chap. XXVI.

Of the Charity of the Seperatifts.

CHarity is fayd to be the darling of Religion, and is
indeed the Marke of a good Chriftian : But where we
doe finde a Commiffion for minifbring to the neceffity of the
Saints, we doe not finde any prohibition againft calling our
bread upon the waters, where the unfandified, as well as the
fan6lified, are in poffibility to make ufe of it.

I cannot perceave that the Seperatifts doe allowe of help-
ing our poore, though they magnify their pra6life in con-
tributing to the nourifhment of their Saints ; For as much

New Englifh Canaan. 321

as fome that are of the number of thofe whom they terme

without, (though it were in cafe of fickneffe,) upon

theire landing, when a Httle frefh ^ vi6luals would "^172

have recovered their healths, yet could they not finde

any charitable affiitance from them. Nay, mine Hofl of

Ma-re-Mount, (if hee might have had the ufe of his gunne,

powther and fhott, and his dogg, which were denied,) hee

doubtles would have preferved fuch poore helples wretches

as were negle6led by thofe that brought them over; which Lame charity.

was fo apparent, (as it feemed,) that one of their owne tribe

faid, the death of them would be required at fome bodies

hands one day, (meaning Mailer Temperwell.) ^

But fuch good muft not come from a carnall man : if it
come from a member, then it is a fan6lified worke ; if other-
wife, it is rejected as unfan6iified.

But when Shackles^ wife, and fuch as had hufbands,
parents or freinds, happened to bee fick, mine Hofts helpe
was ufed, and inflruments provided for him to kill frefh
vittell with, (wherein hee was induflrious,) and the perfons,
having frefh vittell, lived.

So doubtles might many others have bin preferved, but
they were of the number left without ; neither will thofe
precife people admit a carnall man into their howfes, though
they have made ufe of his in the like cafe ; they are fuch
antagonifts to thofe that doe not comply with them, and
feeke to be admitted to be of their Church, that in fcorne
they fay, you may fee what it is to be without.

Chapter XXVII.

^ Supra^ 319.

322

New Englifh Canaan.

173

Chap. XXVII.

Of the pra^life of their Church}

THe Church of the Seperatifts is governed by Paftors,
Elders and Deacons, and there is not *any of thefe,
though hee be but a Cow keeper, but is allowed to ex-
ercife his guifts in the publik affembly on the Lords day,^
fo as hee doe not make ufe of any notes for the helpe of
^his memory:^ for fuch things, they fay, fmell of Lampe

oyle,

1 The chara6ler of the New Canaan
as a political pamphlet of the time, in-
tended to effeft a given refult in a par-
ticular quarter, has already been referred
to. (^S"?/^;-*^, pp. 68-9.) In this refpedl
the prefent chapter is the moft fignificant
one in the book. It was intended to a6t
on the well-known prejudices of Arch-
bifhop Laud, the head and controlling
fpirit of that Board of Lords Commif-
fioners of Foreign Plantations which
then had fupreme authority over the
colonies. To that Board Morton ded-
icated his book ; and at the time he was
writing it the Lords Commiffioners, and
efpecially the Archbifhop, were taking
aftive meafures to vacate the Maffachu-
fetts charter and to affume the dire6t
government of the colonies. It is its
conne6lion with thefe fa6ls which alone
gives any great degree of hiftorical value
to the prefent chapter. In itfelf it is
not deferving of careful annotation, as
it contains nothing that is new, and the
ground is much better covered by Lech-
ford in his Plaine Dcalins^. Like Mor-
ton, Lechford was a lawyer; and, unlike
Morton, he was by nature a devout
man. A member of the Church of Eng-
land he has given in his book a remark-
ably vivid and fair-minded defcription
of the pradtice of the New England

churches during the earlieft days of the
fettlement. Mr. Trumbull's very learned
and elaborate notes to his edition of
the Plaine Dealing, which is the edition
referred to in the notes to the prefent
chapter, have cleared up Lechford's text
wherever it is obfcure ; and they obviate
the neceffity of any careful annotation
of the prefent chapter, except where it
is defirable to call notice to the fpecial
bearing any particular affertion made
may be fuppofed to have had on Arch-
bifhop Laud's idiofyncrafies.

2 "Teaching in the church publicly,"
was, it will be remembered, one of the
offences charged againft Winflow before
the Lords Commiffioners at the hearing
of 1634, for which, at Archbifhop Laud's
" vehement importunity," he was com-
mitted to the Fleet. {Supra, 69 ; Proc.
Mafs, Hijl, Soc., 1860-2, p. 131.) On
the real pra6lice of the New England
churches in regard to the exercife of
their gifts by lay members, fee Plaine
Deali7ig^ p. 42.

^ " I fuppofe the firfl preacher that
ever thus preached with notes in our
New-England was the Reverend War-
ham." {Magnalia, B. iir. part 2, ch.
xviii.) Tn regard to John Warham,
firfl of Dorchefter and fubfequently of

Wind for,

New Englifh Canaan.

323

oyle, and there mufl be no fuch unfavery perfume admitted
to come into the congregation.

Thefe are all publike preachers. There is amongft thefe
people a Deakoneffe, made of the filters, that ufes her guifts
at home in an affembly of her fexe, by way of repetition or
exhortation : ^ fuch is their pradife. ^^^

Windfor, Conneaicut, fee Dr. Young's
note in Chron. of Mafs.., p. 347.

1 There probably never was any reg-
ularly chofen deaconefs in New Eng-
land. The office was recognized as
having come down from the primitive
churches (Dexter's Congregationalifin.,
p. 69) ; and Robert Browne in his defi-
nitions, in the Life and Manners of all
trtie Chriflians, fays : " The widow is a
perfon having office of God to pray for
the church, and to vifit and minifter to
thofe which are affli6ted and diflreffed
in the church ; for the which the is tried
and received as meet." (Bacon's Gen-
efis of the New England Churches ., p.
84.) Bradford in his Dialogue, written
in 1648, fpeaking of the Separatift church
at Amfterdam, fays, that befides the paf-
tor, teacher, elders and deacons, there
was '• one ancient widow for a deacon-
efs, who did them fervice many years,
though fhe was fixty years of age when
Ihe was chofen. She honored her place
and was an ornament to the congre-
gation. She ufually fat in a convenient
place in the congregation, with a little
birchen rod in her hand, and kept little
children in great awe from dilturbing
the congregation. She did frequently
vifit the fick and weak, efpecially wom-
en, and, as there was need, called out
maids and young women to watch and
do them other helps as their neceffity
did require; and if they were poor, fhe
would gather relief for them of thofe
that were able, or acquaint the deacons ;
and fhe was obeyed as a mother in

Ifrael and an officer of Chrift." (Young's
Chron. of Pilg.., p. 455-) It would be
inferred from the paffage quoted that
there had in 1648 never been a deacon-
efs in the Plymouth church, as in this
Dialogue the old men are fuppofed to
be defcribing to the young men events
ftrange to the latter, as having occurred
long before. Lechford fays, fpeaking of
the Maffachufetts colony : " No church
there has a Deaconeffe, as far as I
know." {^Plaine Deali7tg, pp. 24, 40.)
'' I have not met with an inftance of
[the] a6tual inflitution [of the office of
deaconefs] in New England." (Pal-
frey, vol. ii. p. 37, note.)

It does not feem, however, to have
been even theoretically one of the func-
tions of the deaconefs "to ufe her gifts
at home," as Morton fays, "in an af-
fembly of her fex, by way of repetition,
or exhortation." This would rather
have pertained to the office of teacher.
Meetings of females, fuch as thofe de-
fcribed, were held in the pariflies during
the early days, and played an important
part in the Antinomian controverfy.
The deaconefs did not, however, offt-
ciate at them. The character of thefe
meetings appears in the following paf-
fage at the trial of Mrs. Hutchinfon :

" Court. . . . What fay you to your
weekly public meetings ? Can 3-ou find
a warrant for them ?

Mrs. Hutchinson. I will ffiow you
how I took it up. There were fuch
meetings in ufe before I came; and
becaufe I went to none of them, this

was

324 New Englifk Canaan.

The Pallor, (before hee is allowed of,) muft difclaime his
former calling to the Miniftry, as hereticall ; and take a new
calling after their fantafticall inventions : and then hee is
admitted to bee their Paflor.

The manner of difclaimeing is, to renounce his calling
with bitter execrations, for the time that hee hath heretofore
lived in it: and after his new ele6lion, there is great joy con-
ceaved at his commiffion.-^

And theire Faftors have this preheminence above the
Civile Magiftrate : Hee muft firfl confider of the com-
plaint made againft a member: and if hee be difpofed to
give the partie complained of an admonition, there is no
more to be faid : if not ; Hee delivers him over to the
Magiftrate to deale with him in a courfe of luflice, according

to theire praftife in cafes of that nature.

was the fpecial reafon of my taking up
this courfe. We began it with but five
or fix, and, though it grew to more in fu-
ture time, yet, being tolerated at the firft,
I knew not why it might not continue.

Court. There were private meet-
ings indeed, and are ftill in many places,
of fome few neighbors ; but not fo pub-
lic and frequent as yours ; and are of
ufe for increafe of love and mutual edi-
fication. But yours are of another na-
ture. If they had been fuch as yours
they had been evil, and therefore no
good warrant to juftify yours. But an-
fwer by what authority or rule you up-
hold them ?

Mrs. H. By Titus ii. 3-5, where the
elder women are to teach the younger.

Court. So we allow you to do, as
the Apoftle there means, privately and
upon occafion. But that gives no war-
rant of fuch fet meetings for that pur-
pofe. And, befides, you take upon you
to teach many that are older than your-

felf. Neither do you teach them that
which the Apoftle commands, viz : to
keep at home.

Mrs. H. Will you pleafe to give me
a rule againft it, and I will yield.

Court. You muft have a rule for it,
or elfe you cannot do it in faith. Yet
you have a plain rule againft it, — 'I
fuffer not a woman to teach.' (I. Tim.
ii. 12.)

Mrs. H. That is meant of teaching
men."

(Weld's Short Story, pp. 34-5.) See
alfo the verfion to the fame e£fe6l in
Hutchinfon's Mafachufetts, vol. ii. pp.

484-7. , ^

1 Supra, 262, fiote 3, and 306, 7iote 3.
The effe6l fuch a ftatement as that in
the text would have upon ArchbiOiop
Laud is apparent. The real pra6lice of
the early New England churches in the
matter of ordination can be found in the
Plaine Dealing, pp. 13, 16, 17.

2 "There hath been fome difference

about

New Englifh Canaan. 325

^ Of thefe paflors I have not knowne many : ^ fome * 1 74
I have obferved together with theire carriage in New
Canaan, and can informe you what opinion hath bin con-
ceaved of theire conditions in the perticuler. There is one
who, (as they give it out there that thinke they fpeake it to
advaunce his worth,) has bin expelled to exercife his gifts in
an afTembly that flayed his comming, in the middefl of his
lorney falls into a fitt, (which they terme a zealous medita-
tion,) and was 4. miles paft the place appointed before hee
came to himfelfe, or did remember where abouts hee went.
And how much thefe things are different from the actions of
mazed men, I leave to any indifferent man to judge ; and
if I fhould fay they are all much alike, they that have feene
and heard what I have done, will not condemne mee alto-
gether.

Now, for as much as by the pradife of theire Church every

Elder

about jurifdi6lions, or cognizance of the great contentment of the hearers, and

caufes : Some have held that, in caufes their comfortable edification." (Young's

betweene brethren of the Church, the Chron. of Pilg.^ p. 467 ; Bradford, pp.

matter fhould be firft told the Church, 187-8.) In the fummer of 1628, but

before they goe to the civill Magiftrate, after Morton had been fent to England,

becaufe all caufes in difference doe Allerton brought over Mr. Rogers as a

amount, one way or other, to a matter preacher, who foon proved to be " crafed

of offence ; and that all criminall matters in his braine " (Bradford, p. 243), and the

concerning Church members, fhould be next feafon was fent home. In the au-

firft heard by the Church. But thefe tumn, apparently, of 1629, and while

opinionifts are held, by the wifer fort, Morton may have been at Plymouth at

not to know the dangerous iffues and Allerton's houfe {lb. p. 253), before his

confequences of fuch tenets." {Plaine final return to Mount Wollafton, the

Dealing, p. 34.) Rev. Ralfe Smith, who had come over

1 There was no minifter at Plymouth with Skelton and Higginfon in the pre-

in the fpring of 1628, when Morton was vious June (Young's Chron. of Mafs.,

there. William Brewfter was the ruling p. 151), was found at Nantafket and

elder in the church and officiated in its brought down to Plymouth. (Bradford,

pulpit, where, from the beginning, he p. 263.) He was not, however, chofen

had " taught twice every fabbath, and into the miniftry there until a later time.

that both powerfully and profitably, to (/<5.) It is unlikely that Morton here

refers

326 A^i^w Englifk Canaan,

Lewes the
Il.fent a
Barber Evi-
baffador.

The Embaf-
fage defpifed

Elder or Deacon may preach, it is not amiffe to difcover their
praftife in that perticuler, before I part with them.^

It has bin an old faying, and a true, what is bred in the
bone will not out of the flefli, nor the ftepping into the
pulpit that can make the perfon iitt for the imployment.
The unfitnes of the perfon undertaking to be the Meffenger
has brought a blemifh upon the meffage, as in the time of
Lewes the Eleventh, King of France, who, (having advaunced
his Barber to place of Honor, and graced him with eminent
titles), made him fo prefumptuous to undertake an Embaf-
fage to treat with forraine princes of Civile affaires.

But what was the iffue ? Hee behaved himfelfe fo
^175 * unworthily, (yet as well as his breeding would give
him leave,) that both the Meffenger and the meffage
were defpifed ; and had not hee, (being difcovered,) conveyed
himfelfe out of their territories, they had made him pay for
his barbarous prefumption.^

refers to Plymouth perfonages. He was
at Salem in 1629 {Supra, 306), and in
Boflon, where as a prifoner he was un-
doubtedly made regularly to attend di-
vine fervice, from early September to
the end of December, 1630. {Siipra,
45 ; Young's Chron. of Ma/s., p. 321.)
At Salem he had come in conta6l with
Skelton and Higginfon ; and it has
been feen {Supra, 300, 7iote i) that he
probably knew fomething of Francis
Bright of Charleftown. The only other
miniflers then in the colony were John
Warham and John Maverick at Dor-
chefter, George Phillips at Watertown,
and John Wilfon at Bofton.

^ It is fcarcely neceffary to point out
that the three following pages are largely
the fruit of Morton's imaginative pow-
ers, and were intended for the fpecial
edification of Archbifhop Laud. As

Socrates

Plymouth was much lefs well fupplied
with preachers than the towns of the
Maffachufetts colony, it is altogether
probable — as Dr. John Eliot furmifed,
in his review of the New Canaan, in the
Monthly Anthology for July, iSio- —
the allufions to the church-pra6lifes in
this chapter found their largeft bafis of
fa6l in incidents which Morton had been
a witnefs of in the Plymouth meeting-
houfe. It is fafe to add, however, that
he could have had no agreeable recollec-
tions of the meeting-houfes at Bofton
and Charleftown.

2 Oliver Le Daim, barber of Louis
XL, ci-eated by him Comte de Meulan,
and fent in 1477 on a confidential mif-
fion to Mary of Burgundy at Ghent.
The account of his experiences is to be
found in the Me7noires de Coininines,
L. V. ch. xiv.

New Englijli Canaan. 327

Socrates fayes, loquere ut te videam. If a man obferve
thefe people in the exercife of their gifts, hee may thereby
difcerne the tinffcure of their proper calKng, the affes eares
will peepe through the lyons hide. I am forry they cannot
difcerne their owne infirmities. I will deale fairely with
them, for I will draw their pi6lures cap a pe, that you may
difcerne them plainely from head to foote in their poftures,
that fo much bewitch, (as I may fpeake with modefty,) thefe
illiterate people to be fo fantafticall, to take lonas tafke ^
upon them without fufficient warrant.

One fteps up like the Minifler of luftice with the ballance a Grocer.
onely, not the fword for feare of affrighting his auditory.
Hee poynts at a text, and handles it as evenly as hee can ;
and teaches the auditory, that the thing hee has to deliver
mufl be well waied, for it is a very pretious thing, yes, much
more pretious then gold or pearle : and hee will teach them
the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth ; that
a man would fuppofe hee and his auditory were to part
flakes by the fcale ; and the like diftribution they have ufed
about a bag pudding.

Another, (of a more cutting difpofition,) fleps in his fleed ; a Taylor.
and hee takes a text, w^hich hee divides into many parts : (to
fpeake truly) as many as hee lift. The fag end of it hee
pares away, as a fuperfluous remnant.

* Hee puts his auditory in comfort, that hee will ^ 176
make a garment for them, and teach them how they
fhall put it on ; and incourages them to be in love with it,
for it is of fuch a fafhion as doth beft become a Chriftian

man.

^ Supra, 302, note i.

328 New Englifh Canaan.

man. Hee will affuer them that it fhall be armor of proffe
againft all affaults of Satan. This garment, (fayes hee,) is
not compofed as the garments made by a carnall man, that
are fowed with a hot needle and a burning thread ; but it is
a garment that fhall out lafl all the garments : and, if they
will make ufe of it as hee fhall dire6l them, they fhall be
able, (like faint George,) to terrifie the greate Dragon, error ;
and defend truth, which error with her wide chaps would
devoure : whofe mouth fhall be filled with the fhredds and
parings, which hee continually gapes for under the cutting
bourd.
A Tapjier. A third, hcc fupplies the rome : and in the exercife of his

guifts begins with a text that is drawne out of a fountaine
that has in it no dreggs of popery. This fhall proove unto
you, (fays hee,) the Cup of repentance : it is not like unto
the Cup of the Whore of Babilon, who will make men drunk
with the dreggs thereof : It is filled up to the brim with
comfortable Joyce, and will proove a comfortable cordiall to
a fick foule, fayes hee. And fo hee handles the matter as
if hee dealt by the pinte and the quarte, with Nic and
Froth.^. ^^

1 I am indebted to Mr. Lindfay Swift, ' We mufl be running up and downe

of the Bollon Public Library, for the With cannes of beere (malt fod in fifhes

following explanation of this, to me, ^ ^^^^^j' , , r., ^ • ■, • ^ j

very perplexing allufion : ^'Mc, or, more And thofe they fay are fil d with nick and

correaiy, ;/zV^, — namely, ' a raifed or *^°^^- {Rowland's JiTnazje 0/ Ifarfs.)

indented bottom in a beer -can, by * From the nick and froth of a penny pot-

which the cuftomers were cheated, the houfe.' (Fletcher.)
nick below and the froth above filling

up part of the raeafure.' I take this * Our pots were full quarted,

definition from Wright's Diaionary of S^^.'^fir^ thwarted

/nz/- 1 J. ^ Tj • ■ 7 IT Trj ^u'^4. With froth-canne and nick-pot,

Od/o/ete and Provznaal £nghy7i. That And fuch nimble quick Ihot".' •

the expreffion was a common one the ,^ . ,. jj j . t^ j» ^^ j-

following quotations prove : - (Spurious lines added to Rand s 1624 edi-

^ ^ ^ tion of Skelton's Elynour Rummynge.)

Moft

New Englifh Canaan. 329

An other, (a very learned man indeed,) goes another way a cobier.
to worke with his auditory ; and exhorts them to walke
upright, in the way of their calHng, and not, (Hke
carnall men,) tread awry. And if they fhould =^fayle * 177
in the performance of that duety, yet they fhould
feeke for amendement whiles it was time ; and tells them it
would bee to late to feek for help when the fhop windowes
were fhutt up : and pricks them forward with a freindly
admonition not to place theire delight in worldly pleafures,
which will not laft, but in time will come to an end; but
fo to handle the matter that they may be found to wax
better and better, and then they fhall be doublely rewarded
for theire worke : and fo clofes up the matter in a comfort-
able manner.

But ftay : Here is one ftept up in hafte, and, (being not
minded to hold his auditory in expeftation of any long
difcourfe,) hee takes a text ; and, (for brevities fake,) divides
it into one part : and then runnes fo fail a fore wdth the
matter, that his auditory cannot follow him. Doubtles his
Father was fome Irifh footeman ; ^ by his fpeede it feemes a verypato-
fo. And it may be at the howre of death, the fonne, being
prefent, did participat of his Fathers nature, (according to
Pithagoras,) ^ and fo the vertue of his Fathers nimble feete

being

Moll of this information I have taken ufe, and to notify innkeepers of the

from Nares's GloJJTary and Halliwell- coming guefts. They carried long poles

Phillipps's Didionary of Archaic and to affift them in clearing obftacles, and

Provincial Words, fecond edition." to help pry the carriages out of the

^ The reference here is apparently to floughs in which they frequently got

the running footmen much in ufe in the ftuck. (Brewer's Di5l. of PJirafe and

eighteenth century, and alfo, judging by Fable, p. 773 ; Macaulay's England,

the text, as early as the reign of Charles vol. i. pp. 374-8.)

I. Their duty was to run before and 2 j^ ^^^g Q^e of the doflrines of Py-

alongfide the cumbrous coaches then in thagoras that the fouls of the dying

pafTed

330 New Englifh Canaan.

being infufed into his braines, might make his tongue out-
runne his wit.

Well, if you marke it, thefe are fpeciall gifts indeede:
which the vulgar people are fo taken with, that there is no
perfwading them that it is fo ridiculous.

This is the meanes, (O the meanes,) that they purfue:
This that comes without premeditation; This is the Supar-
lative : and hee that does not approove of this, they fay is a

very reprobate.
* 1 78 * Many vn warrantable Tenents they have likewife :
fome of which being come to my knowledge I wil
here fet downe : one wherof, being in publicke praflife
maintained, is more notorious then the reft. I will therefore
beginne with that, and convince them of manifeft error by
the maintenance of it, which is this :
Tenenti. That it is the Magiftrates office abfolutely, (and not the
Minfters,) to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony.^ And

for

paired into the air, and thence into the riage here referred to was that of Ed-
living bodies of other men, taking con- ward Winflow to Mrs. Sufannah White,
trolling poffeffion of them. That the It took place in May, Winllow's wife
nimblenefs of the father's feet might having died feven weeks before, and
thus account for the volubility of the Mrs. White's hufband, William, twelve
fon's tongue is, it is needlefs to fay, a weeks before. That he had married
purely Mortonian deduftion. people was, it will be remembered, the
1 " Af^TK 12. [162 1 ] was the firft mar- other of the two charges advanced
iage in this place, which, according to againft Winflow himfelf, at the Privy
the laudable cuftome of the Low-Coun- Council hearing jufb referred to. {Supra,
tries, in which they had lived, was '^22, note t..) The pra6tice of civil mar-
thought moft requifite to be performed riage already prevailed in the Maffachu-
by the magiftrate, as being a civill thing, fetts colony alfo, as, a week before the
upon which manyqueftions aboute inher- arreft of Morton was ordered, Governor
itances doe depende, with other things Endicott. on Auguft 18, 1630, was mar-
moft proper to their cognizans, and moft ried, at Charleftown apparently, " by the
confonante to the fcripturs. Ruth 4. governourand Mr. Wilfon." (Winthrop,
and no wher found in the gofpell to be vol. i. p. *3o. See alfo Plaine Dealings
layed on the minifters as a part of their pp. 86-7.) There are few more edifying
office." (Bradford, p. 1 01.) The mar- examples of the cafuiftical Ikill of Win-
throp

New Englifh Canaan. 331

for this they vouch the Hiftory of Ruth, faying Boas was
married to Ruth in prefence of the Elders of the people.
Herein they miflake the fcope of the text.

2. That it is a relique of popery to make ufe of a ring in
marriage : and that it is a diabolicall circle for the Divell to
daunce in.-^

3. That the purification ufed for weomen after delivery
is not to be ufed.^

4. That no child fhall be baptifed whofe parents are not

receaved into their Church firfl.^ ^, ,

5. Ihat

throp and his affociates than is afforded
by his method of deaUng with the quef-
tion of civil marriages, as explained in
detail in his Journal (vol. i. p. *323).
" In our church difcipline, and in mat-
ters of marriage, to make a law that
marriages fhould not be folemnized by
minifters is repugnant to the laws of
England ; but to bring it to a cuftom by
pra6tice for the magiftrates to perform
it, is no law made repugnant, etc." The
charter of 1629 empowered the General
Court of the colony "to make, ordeine,
and eftablifhe all Manner of wholefome
and reafonable Orders, Lawes, Statutes,
and Ordinances, Dire6lions, and In-
ftruftions, not contrary to the Lawes of
theis our Realme of England." (Hazard,
vol. i. p. 252.)

1 At the conference between the Bifh-
ops and the Puritans, held in prefence
of James I. at Hampton Court in Janu-
ary, 1603, one of the pra6lices of the
EngHfli Church efpecially excepted to
as a "rehque of popery" by Dr. John
Reynolds, the fpokefman of the Puri
tans, was the ring in marriage. (Neal's
Hiji. of Puritans^ vol. ii. p. 42.) Among
the reafons urged againffc its ufe I have
not elfewhere found the "diaboHcal
circle" argument. It feems rather to

have been aflbciated in the Puritan
mind with the Romifh traditions.
(Jones's Finger- Ring Lore ^ pp. 288-90.)
This count, in Morton's indictment,
was bafed on good grounds. " In the
Weddings of [early] New England the
ring makes none of the ceremonies."
(Mather's Ratio Difciplincs, p. 116.)

2 This refers to churching pra6lice of
the Englifh Church. At the Hampton
Court conference, referred to in the
preceding note, another of the " rehques
of popery," fpecifically excepted to by
Dr. Reynolds, was "the churching of
women by the name oi ptirificationy

2 This count in the indi6tment was
well laid. The children of the non-com-
municants in early New England could
not be baptized ; though they might be
if either one of the parents was a mem-
ber of the church. At a later period tliis
became one of the leading caufes of polit-
ical agitation in the colony, and is re-
ferred to in the Dr. Robert Childs peti-
tion of 1646. In 1670 from four fifths to
five fixths of the adult male inhabitants
of Maffachufetts were without the fran-
chife, as being non-communicants.
(Lechford's Plaine Dealing, pp. 47, 48,
151 ; Me7n. HiJi. of Bojlon^ vol. i. p. 156 ;
Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 8, vol. iii. p. 41.)

33^ New Englifh Canaan.

5. That no perfon fhall be admitted to the Sacrament of
the Lords fupper that is without.-^

6. That the booke of Common prayer is an idoll : and all

that ufe it, Idolaters.^ ^i ^

7. That

1 Supra, 316, note 2.

2 This was the favorite epithet em-
ployed by the early reformers in refer-
ring to the Mafs. Calvin called it " an
execrable idol ; " Hooper, " a wicked
idol." Bradford — not Governor Wil-
liam, but John, the Smithfield martyr of
Queen Mary's time — terms it an "abom-
inable idol of bread ; " and again, " the
horribleft and moil deteftable device
that ever the devil brought out by man."
Bland, re6tor of Adifhan, repeated the
familiar figure, calling it a " moft blaf-
phemous idol ; " and Latimer improved
upon this by adding the words, "full of
idolatry, blafphemy, facrilege againft
God and the dear facrifice of His Chrift."
(Blunt's Reformatiojt of the Church of
Eng., vol. ii. pp. 399-402.) The deriva-
tion of the Book of Common Prayer, in
many of its parts, from the Miffal was
unmiftakable ; and naturally the next
race of religious reformers applied to
the former the fame earneft epithets of
theological diffent which had before
been applied to the latter. Accordingly,
in Barrowe's Brief D if cover y of the Falfe
Church, we find the Book of Common
Prayer referred to as " a deteftable idol,
... old rotten ftuff . . . abftra6led out
of the pope's blafphemous mafs-book,
... an abominable and loathfome fac-
rifice in the fight of God, even as a
dead dog." Barrowe was one of the
three Separatift martyrs, and as fuch
held in deepeft veneration at Plymouth.
(Young's Chron. of Pilg., pp. 427-34.)
The Book of Common Prayer was there-
fore undoubtedly looked upon and re-
ferred- to at Plymouth as Morton fays.
Indeed, the Lyford fchifm was in fome

degree due to its ufe. (Bradford, p. 181.)
That it was, in the early days, alfo fo
looked upon and fo referred to at Salem
and at Bofton, is not clear. It is true
that in 1629 it was again the caufe of
the Browne diffenfion at Salem (Young's
Chron. of Mafs., p. 287), in confequence
of which Skelton and Higginfon both
declared openly "that they came away
from the Common Prayer and ceremo-
nies, . . . and therefore, being in a place
where they might have their liberty,
they neither could nor would ufe them,
becaufe they judged the impofition of
thefe things to be fmful corruptions in
the worfliip of God." (Morton's Me-
morial, p. 147.) The Puritans of Bof-
ton, however, were not Separatifts, and
it is open to queftion whether they at
firft felt towards the Common Prayer
as the Plymouth people felt towards it,
and as Morton fays. In 1640 Governor
Winthrop, it is true, noted it as a thing
worthy of obfervation that his fon " hav-
ing many books in a chamber where
there was corn of divers forts, had among
them one wherein the Greek teftament,
the pfalms and the common prayer were
bound together. He found the common
prayer eaten with mice, every leaf of it,
and not any of the two other touched,
nor any other of his books, though they
were above a thoufand." (Winthrop,
vol. ii. p. *2o.) When Governor Win-
throp tried and fentenced Morton, how-
ever, he was anxious to preferve his
connexion with the Church of England,
and it is very doubtful whether he then
looked upon its Book of Prayer as " an
idol." {Proc. Mafs. Hifi. Soc, vol. xviii.
p. 296.)

New Englifh Canaan,

333

7. That every man is bound to beleeve a profeffor upon
his bare affirmation onely, before a Proteftant upon oath.

8. That no perfon hath any right to Gods creatures, but
Gods children onely, who are themfelves : and that all
others are but ufurpers of the Creatures.

9. And that, for the generall good of their Church and
commonwealth, they are to negleft father, mother and all
freindfhip.

* 10. Much a doe they keepe about their Church ^179
difcipline, as if that were the mofl effentiall part of
their Religion. Tythes are banifhed from thence, all except
the tyth of Mint and Commin.^

II. They differ from us fomething in the creede too, for
if they get the goods of one, that is without, into their hands,

hee

As one count in Morton's indi6lment
of the people of New England, that in
the text now under confideration was
not only iufficiently well founded, but it
was peculiarly calculated to excite Arch-
bifhop Laud's anger. It is unneceffary
to fay that he was the fpecial champion
of the Church of England ritual. To
enforce exadl; conformity to it he re-
garded as his miffion. When the
fhips loaded with emigrants for New
England were, in March, 1634, flopped
in the Thames by order of the Privy
Council, they were not allowed to pro-
ceed on their voyage until the mafters
bound themfelves to have the Book of
Common Prayer ufed at morning and
evening fervice during the voyage.
{^Council Rei^ijler, Feb. 21, 28, 1634;
Gardiner's Charles /., vol. ii. p. 23.)
This was Laud's a6l, and it is more
than probable that he was as much in-
fluenced by Morton on that occafion as
he was fubfequently in the matter of

Winflow's imprifonment for having per-
formed the marriage ceremony. {Supra,

69, 93-)

1 " Woe unto you, fcribes and Phari-
fees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe of mint
and anife and cummin, and have omit-
ted the weightier matters of the law,
judgment, mercy, and faith." {Matt.
xxiii. 23.)

" But woe unto you, Pharifees ! for
ye tithe mint and rue and all manner of
herbs, and pafs over judgment and the
love of God." {Luke xi. 42.)

The fignificance of the text referred
to lay, of courfe, in Morton's mind, ra-
ther in its indire6l than its dire6l appli-
cation, — more in its denunciatory than
in its contributory portions. The clergy
in early Maffachufetts were fupported
by the voluntary contributions in Bof-
ton, and by a regular town- tax levy out-
fide of Bofton. {Piaine Dealing, pp.
48-50 ; Proc. Mafs. Hiji. Soc, 1S60-2,
p. 116.)

334 A^i^w Englifh Canaan.

hee fhall be kept without remedy for any fatisfadlion : and
they beleeve that this is not cofenage/

12. And laftly they differ from us in the manner of
praying ; for they winke ^ when they pray, becaufe they thinke
themfelves fo perfe6l in the highe way to heaven that they
can find it blindfould : fo doe not I.^

Chap. XXVIII.

Of their Policy in publik lujlice,

NOw that I have anottomized the two extreame parts of
this PoUtique Commonwealth, the head and the infe-
rior members, I will fhew you the hart, and reade a fhort
lefture over that too; which is luftice. ^

1 Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20.

2 ^'■Wink^ V. n. i. to fliut the eyes.
obs.''^ {Worcejler^

3 Edward Howes, in writing from
London to John Winthrop, Jr., in No-
vember, 1632, defcribes how, on going
home at noon one day, he met the maf-
ter of a veffel which had juft arrived
from New England, together with three
others who had come over with him.
The mailer paffmg into the houfe on
fome matter of bufmefs, Howes had a
talk with one of the other men, whom
he defcribes as an " egregious knave."
The report given by this man of the
Maffachufetts community ftrikingly re-
fembles that given by Morton in this
chapter. He would, writes Howes,
"give none of you a good word, but the
governor [Winthrop] ; he was a good
man and kept a good table, but all the
reft were Hereticks, and they would be

more holy than all the world ; they
would be a peculiar people to God, but
go to the Devil ; that one man with you
being at confeffion, as he called it, faid
he beheved his father and mother and
anceftors went all to Hell ; and that
your preachers, in their public prayers,
pray for the governor before they pray
for our king and ftate ; . . . that you
never ufe the Lord's prayer ; that your
minifters marry none ; that fellows which
keep hogs all the week preach on the
Sabbath ; that every town in your plan-
tation is of a feveral religion ; that you
count all men in England, yea all out
of your church, in the ftate of damna-
tion. But I believe and know better
things of you ; but here you may partly
fee how the Devil ftirs up his inltru-
ments." (iv. Mafs. Hiji. Col., vol. vi.
p. 485.)

New Englifh Ca^taan. 335

I have a petition to exhibit to the highe and mighty M"".
Temperwell ; and I have my choife whether I fhall make
my plaint in a cafe of confcience, or bring it with in the
Compas of a point in law. And becaufe I will goe the furefl:
way to worke, at firft, I will fee how others are anfwered in
the like kinde, whether it be with hab or nab, as the Judge
did the Countryman.-^ *

Here comes M^ Hopewell : his petition is in a cafe of
confcience, (as hee fayes.) But, fee, great lofua allowes
confcience to be of his fide : yet cuts him off with
this anfwere ; Law is flat againft him. Well let ^ me ^ i8o
fee another. I marry : Here comes one Mafler Doubt-
not : his matter depends, (I am fure,) upon a point in Law :
alas, what will it not doe, looke ye it is affirmed that Law is
on his fide : but Confcience, like a blanket, over fpreades it.
This paffage is like to the Proculles of Roome, mee thinks ;
and therefore I may very well fay of them,

Evenfo, by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head^
Procujies fitted all his guefis unto his Iron dedd,

Andj if thefe fpeede no better, with whome they are freinds,
that neither finde Law nor Confcience to helpe them, I doe
not wonder to fee mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount fpeede fo ill,
that has bin proclaimed an enemy fo many yeares in New
Canaan to their Church and State.

Chapter XXIX.

^ Mr. Swift {Supra, 328, note) fug- Turfe anfwers him :
gefts that Morton here alludes to the "I put it

fcene in Ben Jonfon's Tale of a Tub Even to your worfliip's bitterment, hab,
(act iv. fc. i), where Juftice Preamble nab."

^^y^ ' Here the Countryman makes the re-

" And what fay you now, neighbor Turfe ? " mark, and not the Juftice ; but a wholly

correct

336 New Englifk Canaan.

Chap. XXIX.

How mine Hoft was put into a whales belly,

THe Seperatifls, (after they had burned Ma-re-Mount
they could not get any Ihipp to undertake the carriage
of mine Hoft from thence, either by faire meanes or fowle,)
they were inforced, (contrary to their expectation,) to be
troubled with his company : ^ and by that meanes had time
to confider more of the man, then they had done of the
matter: wherein at length it was difcovered that they, (by
meanes of their credulity of the intelligence given them in
England of the matter, and the falfe Care6ler of the man,)
had runne themfelves headlonge into an error, and had done

that on a fodaine which they repented at leafure, but
"^ 181 could not tell which way to help it * as it ftood now.

They could debate upon it and efpecially upon two
difficult points, whereof one muft be concluded upon : If
they fent mine Hoft away by banifhment, hee is in poffibil-
ity to furvive, to their difgrace for the injury done : if they
fuffer him to ftay, and put him in Jiatu quo prius, all the
vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rafhe in
burning a howfe that was ufefull, and count them men
unadvifed.

So that it feemes, (by theire difcourfe about the matter,)
they ftood betwixt Hawke and Buffard : and could not tell

which

corre6l allufion by Morton is not to be is probably derived from habbe^ nabbe^

looked for. {Supra, 12t,^ note 2.) The — "to have or not to have." (See

meaning of hab, nab is, of courfe, " hit Nares's GloJJary.)
or mifs, at a venture, at random," and * Supra, 44-5.

New Englifh Canaan. 337

which hand to incline unto. They had founded him fecret-
ly : hee was content with it, goe which way it would. Nay
Shackles ^ himfelfe, (who was imployed in the burning of the
howfe, and therefore feared to be caught in England,) and
others were fo forward in putting mine Hoft in Jlatu quo
prius, after they had found their error, (which was fo appa-
rent that Luceus eies would have ferved to have found it
out in leffe time,) that they would contribute 40. fhillings a
peece towards it ; and affirmed, that every man according to
his ability that had a hand in this black deiigne Ihould be
taxed to a Contribution in like nature : it would -be done
exactly.

Now, (whiles this was in agitation, and was well urged by
fome of thofe partys to have bin the upfhot,) unexpefted,
(in the depth of winter, when all fhipps were gone out of
the land,) in comes M'*. Wethercock, a proper Mariner ; and,
they faid, he could obferve the winde : blow it high, blow it
low, hee was refolved to lye at HulP rather than incounter
fuch a ftorme as mine Hoft had met with : and this was a
man for their turne.

^ Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they ^182
(who hee knew had a ftrong purfe, and his confcience
waited on the firings of it, if all the zeale hee had) would
beare him out in it: which they profeffed they would.
Hee undertakes to ridd them of mine Hoft by one meanes

^ Supra^ 319, note. {Proc. Mafs. Hijl. Soc. 187 1-3, p. 397),

2 By the General Court of May, 1644, think it was fo called from Hull in

it was ordered, that " Nantafcot fliall Yorkfhire. It would appear from the

be called Hull." {Records, vol. ii. p. 74.) text that it had been locally known by

Mr. Savage, in his notes to Winthrop that name among the " old planters "

(vol. ii. p. *I75), and Mr. Whitmore before the fettlement of Bollon.

S3^ ^ew Englifk Canaan.

or another. They gave him the befl meanes they could,
according to the prefent condition of the worke, and letters
of credence to the favoures of that Se6t in England ; with
which, (his bufines there being done, and his fhipp cleared,)
hee hoyft the Sayles and put to Sea: fince which time mine
Hoft has not troubled the brethren, but onely at the Coun-
fell table : where now Sub iudice lis eft.

Chap. XXX.

Of Sir Chriftopher Gardiner Knight, and how hee Jpedd
amongfl the Seperatijis,

Sir Chriftopher Gardiner,^ (a Knight, that had bin a trav
eller both by Sea and Land ; a good judicious gentle-
man in the Mathematticke and other Sciences ufefull for
Plantations, Kimiftry, &c. and alfo being a prafticall Engi-
ner,) came into thofe parts, intending difcovery.

But the Seperatifts love not thofe good parts, when they
proceede from a carnall man, (as they call every good Prot-
teftant) ; in fhorte time [they] had found the meanes to pick
a quarrell with him. The meanes is that they purfue to
obtaine what they aime at : the word is there, the meanes.
So that, when they finde any man like to proove an

enemy

1 Sir Chriftopher Gardiner fuddenly Chriftopher, and " how hee fpedd

appeared in Maffachufetts in May, 1630, amongft the Seperatifts," for infertion

and returned to England in 1632, ar- at this point ; but the fubje6l developed

riving there in Auguft. He is fuppofed on my hands until it aflumed the fhape

to have come out as an agent, or emif- of a ftudy by itfelf . It can be found in

fary, of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. I had the Proceedings of the Majs, Hiji. Soc.

begun the preparation of a note on Sir for January, 1883, vol. xx.

New Englifh Canaan. 339

enemy to their Church and ftate, then flraight ^ the * 183
meanes mult be ufed for defence. The firft precept
in their Pohtiques is to defame the man at whom they aime,
and then hee is a holy IfraeHte in their opinions who can
fpread that fame brodeft, Hke butter upon a loafe : no mat-
ter how thin, it will ferve for a vaile: and then this man,
(who they have thus depraved,) is a fpotted uncleane leaper :
hee muft out, leafl hee pollute the Land, and them that are
cleane.

If this be one of their guif ts, then Machevill ^ had as good
gifts as they. Let them raife a fcandall on any, though
never fo innocent, yet they know it is never wiped cleane
out : the flaind marks remaines ; which hath bin well
obferved by one in thefe words of his,

Stick Candles gainji a Virgin walls white back ;
If they V not burne yet^ at the leaji, they 7 black.

And thus they dealt with Sir Chriftopher : and plotted by
all the wayes and meanes they could, to overthrow his
undertakings in thofe parts.

And therefore I cannot chufe but conclude that thefe
Seperatifts have fpeciall gifts : for they are given to envy
and mallice extremely.

The knowledge of their defamacion could not pleafe the
gentleman well, when it came to his eare ; which would
caufe him to make fome reply, as they fuppofed, to take

exceptions

^ Machiavelli died in 1527, and The " Nick Machiavel had ne'er a trick,

Prince was publifhed in 1532, The re- (Tho' he gave his name to our old Nick.)"

putation of the man and of the book {Hudibras, p. iii. can. i. Hnes 1313-4.)

were as well eftablifhed in Morton's t-u- j • x- • ^ ^ j u .i.

day as thev are now ^^^^ derivation is not accepted by the

^ ^ ' authorities. See Brewer's Z?/^., p. 614.

340 New Englifk Canaan.

exceptions at, as they did againft Faire cloath:^ and this
would be a meanes, they thought, to blow the coale, and
fo to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the Country
too, and fend him after mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount.

They take occafion, (fome of them,) to come to his
howfe when hee was gone up into the Country, and
^184 ^ (finding hee was from home,) fo went to worke that
they left him neither howfe nor habitation nor fer-
vant, nor any thing to help him, if hee fhould retorne: but
of that they had noe hope, (as they gave it out,) for hee was
gone, (as they affirmed,) to leade a Salvage life, and for that
caufe tooke no company with him : and they having confid-
ered of the matter, thought it not fit that any fuch man
fhould live in fo remoate a place, within the Compas of their
patent. So they fired the place, and carried away the per-
fons and goods.

Sir Chriilopher was gone with a guide, (a Salvage,) into
the inland parts for difcovery : but, before hee was returned,
hee met with a Salvage that told the guide, Sir Chriilopher
would be killed : Mafter Temperwell, (who had now found
out matter againfl him,) would have him dead or alive.
This hee related ; and would have the gentleman not to goe
to the place appointed, becaufe of the danger that was
fuppofed.

But Sir Chriilopher was nothing difmaid ; hee would on,
whatfoever come of it ; and fo met with the Salvages : and
betweene them was a terrible ikermiih : But they had the
woril of it, and hee fcaped well enough.

The guide was glad of it, and learnd of his fellowes that

they

1 Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20.

New Englifh Canaan. 341

they were promifed a great reward for what they fhould doe
in this imployment.

Which thing, (when Sir Chriftopher underflood,) hee gave
thanks to God ; and after, (upon this occafion to follace
himfelfe,) in his table booke hee compofed this fonnet, which
I have here inferted for a memoriall.

^THE SONNET. ^185

WOlfes in S keeps clothing, why will ye
Think to deceave God that doth fee
Your Jimulated fan^ity ?
For my part, I doe wijli you could
Your owne infirmities behold.
For then you would not be fo bold.
Like Sophifis, why will you difpute
With wifdomefo ? You doe confute
None but yourf elves, Forfhame, be mute,

Leaf great Jehovah, with his powre.
Do come upon you in a howre
When you leaft think, and you devoure.

This Sonnet the Gentleman compofed as a teflimony of his
love towards them, that were fo ill-affe6led towards him ;
from whome they might have receaved much good, if they
had bin fo wife to have imbraced him in a loving fafliion.

But they defpife the helpe that fhall come from a carnall
man, (as they termed him,) who, after his retorne from thofe
defignes, finding how they had ufed him with fuch difre-
fpe6l, tooke fhipping, and difpofed of himfelfe for England ;

and

342 New Englifh Canaan.

and difcovered their praftifes in thofe parts towards his

Majefties true harted Subje6ls, which they made

wery of their aboade in thofe parts.

^i86 ^Chap. XXXI.

Of mine Hojl of Ma-re-Mount how hee played lonas after
hee had bin in the Whales belly for a time.

Mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount, being put to Sea, had deliv-
ered him, for his releefe by the way, (becaufe the fhipp
was unvitteled, and the Seamen put to ftraight allowance,
which could hold out but to the Canaries,) a part of his
owne provifion, being two moneths proportion ; in all but 3.
fmall peeces of porke, which made him expeft to be fam-
ifhed before the voyage fhould be ended, by all likelyhood.
Yet hee thought hee would make one good meale, before
hee died : like the Colony fervant in Virginea, that, before
hee fhould goe to the gallowes, called to his wife to fet on
the loblolly pot, and let him have one good meale before hee
went ; who had committed a petty crime, that in thofe dayes
was made a cappitall offence.

And now, mine HoU being merrily difpofed, on went the
peeces of porke, wherewith hee feafted his body, and cher-
ifhed the poore Sailers ; and got out of them what M"". Weth-
ercock, their Mailer, purpofed to doe with him that hee had
no more provifion : and along they failed from place to place,
from Hand to Hand, in a pittifuU wether beaten fhip, where
mine Hofl was in more dainger, (without all queftion,) then

lonas,

New Englifh Canaan. 343

lonas, when hee was in the Whales belly ; and it was the
great mercy of God that they had not all perifhed. Vittelled
they were but for a moneth, when they wayd Ancor and left
the firft port.

* They were a pray for the enemy for want of * 187
powther, if they had met them: befides the veffell
was a very flugg, and fo unferviceable that the Mafter called
a counfell of all the company in generall, to have theire
opinions which way to goe and how to beare the helme, who
all under their hand affirmed the fhipp to be unferviceable :
fo that, in fine, the Mailer and men and all were at their
wits end about it : yet they imployed the Carpenters to
fearch and caulke her fides, and doe theire beft whiles they
were in her. Nine moneths they made a fliifte to ufe her,
and fhifted for fupply of vittells at all the Iflands they
touched at : though it were fo poorely, that all thofe helpes,
and the ihort allowance of a bifket a day, and a few Lymons
taken in at the Canaries, ferved but to bring the veffell in
view of the lands end.

They were in fuch a defperat cafe, that^ (if God in his
greate mercy had not favoured them, and difpofed the
windes faire untill the veffell was in Plimmouth roade,) they
had without queflion perifhed; for when they let drop an
Anchor, neere the Ifland of S. Michaels,^ not one bit of
foode left, for all that flarving allowance of this wretched
Wethercock, that, if hee would have lanched out his beaver,

might

^ As Saint Michael is one of the firft chapter of the New Canaan. (Su-

Azores, it may have been during this pra, 117.) If the voyage did laft nine

voyage that Morton vifited the Ifle of months, it was Augiill or September,

Sal and the tropics, as mentioned in the 1631, before he got back to England.

344 New Englifh Canaan.

might have bought more vittells in New England then he,
and the whole fhip with the Cargazoun, was worth, (as the
paffingers hee carried who vittelled themfelves affirmed).
But hee played the miferable wretch, and had poffeffed his
men with the contrary ; who repented them of waying
anchor before they knew fo much.

Mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount, (after hee had bin in

"^188 ^ the Whales belly,) was fet a fhore, to fee if hee

would now play lonas, fo metamorphofed with a

longe voyage that hee looked like Lazarus in the painted

cloath.

But mine Hoft, (after due conftderation of the premifles,)
thought it fitter for him to play lonas in this kinde, then
for the Seperatifts to play lonas in that kinde as they
doe. Hee therefore bid Wethercock tell the Seperatifts,
that they would be made in due time to repent thofe
malitious pra6lifes, and fo would hee too ; for hee was
a Seperatift amongft the Seperatifts, as farre as his wit
would give him leave ; though when hee came in Company
of bafket makers, hee would doe his indevoure to make
them pinne the bafket, if hee could, as I have feene him.
And now mine Hoft, being merrily difpofed, haveing paft
many perillous adventures in that defperat Whales belly,
beganne in a pofture like lonas, and cryed. Repent you
cruell Seperatifts, repent ; there are as yet but 40. dayes, if
love vouchfafe to thunder. Charter and the Kingdome of the
Seperatifts will fall afunder: Repent you cruell Schifma-
ticks, repent. And in that pofture hee greeted them by
letters retorned into new Canaan ; and ever, (as opportunity
was fitted for the purpofe,) he was both heard and feene in the

pofture

New Engli/h Canaan.

345

pofture of lonas againfh them, crying, repent you cruel
Seperatifls, repent ; there are as yet but 40. dayes ; if love
vouchfafe to thunder, the Charter and the Kingdome of the
Seperatifts will fall a funder : Repent, you cruell Schifma-
ticks, repent. If you will heare any more of this procla-
mation meete him at the next markettowne, for
Cynthius aurem vellet}

A TA-

1 " Cum canerem reges et proelia, Cyn-
thius aurem
Vellit, et admonuit : . . . "

(Virgil, Eclogues, vi, 3-4.)

There are in the New Canami {Su-
pra, 280, 297) two references to certain
imaginary or fpecial gifts from " Phaos
box," which in editing I had been un-
able to explain. Mr. Lindfay Swift
{Szipra, 328, 7tote) now fupplies me with
a reference, which, if it is indeed, as
feems moft probable, the allufion which
Morton had in mind, feems to indicate
that his familiarity with claffic authors
was greater than I have been difpofed
to give him credit for. The reference

is to the Varia Hijloria of ^Hanus
(lib. XII. cap. xviii.), and reads as fol-
lows : " Phaonem, omnium hominum for-
mofiffimum, Venus in laftucis abfcon-
dit. Alii dicunt, eum portitorem fuiffe,
et habuiffe hoc vitae genus. Veniebat
autem aliquando Venus, trajicere vo-
lens; ille vero, nefciens quaenam effet,
libenter recepit, magnaque cura, quo-
quo voluerat, eam vexit. Pro quibus
meritis Dea alabaftrum ei donavit, et
erat in eo unguentum, quo unctus
Phaon fpeciofiffimus hominum evafit,
atque adeo amarunt eum Mitylenen-
fium feminae. Tandem vero deprehen-
fus in adulterio, trucidatus eft."

A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS

OF THE THREE BOOKES:

The Tenents of the firft Booke.

Chapters.
I.

PRooving New England the principall part of all America, and
mojl commodious and fit for a habitation and generation.

2. Of the originall of the Natives.

3. Of a great mortallity happened amongfi the Natives.

4. Of their howfes and habitations.

5. Of their Religion.

6. Of the Indians apparrell.

7. Of their Childb earing.

8. Of their reverence and refpedl to age,

9. Of their Juggelling tricks,

10. Of their Duelles.

11. Of the maintenance of their reputation.

12. Of their Traffic k and trade one with another.

13. Of their Magazines and Storehowfes.

14. Of their e Subtilety.

15. Of their admirable perfe5lion in the ufe of their fences.

16. Of their acknozvledgement of the creatio7t and immortality of the

Soule.

1 7. Of their Annalls and Funeralls.

18. Of their Cuflo7ne in burning the Country.

19. Of their Inclination to dnmckennes.

20. Of their Philofophicall life.

347 The

348 -^ Table of the Contents.

The Tenents of the fecond Booke.

Chap.

1. The generall Survey of the Country.

2. What trees are there and how commodious.

3. What Potherb es are there and for Sallets.

4. Of the Birds of tJie aire and fethered Fowles.

5 . Of the Beafts of the Forrejl.

6. Of Stones and Mineralls.

7. Of the FifJtes and what commodity they proove.

8. Of the goodnes of the Country and the Fountaines.

9. A PerfpeBive to view the Country by.
I o. Of the great Lake of Erocoife.

The Tenents of the third Booke.

Chap.

1 . Of a great legue made betweene the Salvages and Englifh.

2. Of the enter tainement of Mafter Wejlons people.

3. Of a great Battaile fought betweene the Englifh and the Indians.

4. Of a Parliament held at Weffagufcus.

5 . Of a Maffacre made upon the Salvages.

6. Of the Surprizing of a Marchants Shipp.

7. Of Thomas Mortons Entertain ement and wrack.

8. Of the banifJiment of lohn Layford and lohn Oldam.

9. Of a barre7i doe of Virginea growne Fruithfull.

10. Of the Mafter of the Ceremonies.

11. Of a Compofition made for a Salvages theft.

12. Of a voyage m,ade by the Mafter of the Ceremonies for Beaver.

13. A lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured

14. The Revells of New Canaan.

IS. Of

A Table of the Contents. 349

1 5 . Of a great Monjler fuppofed to be at Ma-re-Mount.

16. How the nine Worthies of New Canaan put mine Hofl of Ma-

re-Mount into an inchaunted Caftle.

1 7. Of the baccanall Triumphe of New Canaan.

1 8. Of a Do5lor made at a commencement.

19. Of the filencing of a Minifter.

20. Of a pra6life to get afnare to hamper mine hoft of Ma-re-Mount.

21. Of Captaine Littleworths devife for the purchafe of Beaver.

22. Of a Sequeftration in New Canaan.

23. Of a great bonfire made in Neiv Canaan.

24. Of the digradinge and creatinge of Gentry.

25. Of the manner how the Seperatijls pay their debts,

26. Of the Charity of the Seperatifis.

27. Of the pra6life of their Church.

28. Of their Policy in pub lik luftice.

29. How mine Hofl was put into a Whales belly,

30. How Sir Chrijlopher Gardiner, Knight, fpeed amongft the

Seperatifis.

31. How mine Hofl of Ma-re-Mount played Jonas after hee got out

of the Whales belly.

FINIS,

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

OFFICERS

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

1883.

Preftdent.
THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. . . Boston, Mass.

Vice-Frefcdenfs,

JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M Boston, Mass.

WILLIAM B. TRASK, Esq Boston, Mass.

THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, LL.D. . . . Exeter, N. H.

JOHN MARSHALL BROWN, A.M Portland, Me.

Correfponding Secretary,
THE REV. HENRY W. FOOTE, A.M. . . . Boston, Mass.

Recording Secretary,
DAVID GREENE HASKINS, Jr., A.M. . . . Cambridge, Mass.

Treafurer,
ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, Esq Boston, Mass.

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

1883.

The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. . . . Boflon, Mafs.

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B Quincy, Mafs.

Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M Boflon, Mafs.

William Sumner Appleton, A.M Boflon, Mafs.

Walter T. Avery, Efq New York, N.Y.

Mr. Thomas Willing Balch Philadelphia, Pa.

George L. Balcom, Efq Claremont, N.H.

Charles Candee Baldwin, M.A Cleveland, Ohio.

Samuel L. M. Barlow, Efq New York, N.Y.

James Phinney Baxter, A.M Portland, Me.

The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D Exeter, N.H.

John J. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H.

Samuel Lane Boardman, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D. . . . Augulta, Me.

J. Carfon Brevoort, LL.D Brooklyn, N.Y.

The Rev. Phillips Brooks, D.D Boflon, Mafs.

Sidney Brooks, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Horace Brown, A.B., LL.B Salem, Mafs.

Mrs. John Carter Brown Providence, R.l

John Marfhall Brown, A. M Portland, Me.

Jofeph O. Brown, Efq New York, N.Y.

Philip Henry Brown, A.M Portland, Me.

Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Efq Boflon, Mafs.

George Bement Butler, Efq New York, N.Y.

The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M Chelfea, Mafs.

The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, A.M. . . . Wafhington, D.C.

George Bigelow Chafe, A.M Boflon, Mafs.

Clarence H. Clark, Efq Philadelphia, Pa.

The Prince Society. 355

Gen. John S. Clark Auburn, N.Y.

The Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb . . . . . . Bofton, Mafs.

Ethan N. Coburn, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Jeremiah Colburn, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Deloraine P. Corey, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Eraftus Corning, Efq Albany, N.Y.

Ellery Bicknell Crane, Efq Worcefter, Mafs.

Abram E. Cutter, Efq Charleflown, Mafs.

William M. Darlington, Efq Pittfburg, Pa.

John Ward Dean, A.M. Bofton, Mafs.

Charles Deane, LL.D Cambridge, Mafs.

Edward Denham, Efq New Bedford, Mafs.

John Charles Dent, Efq Toronto, Canada.

Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, A.M. New Haven, Ct.

The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D Bofton, Mafs.

Samuel Adams Drake, Efq Melrofe, Mafs.

Henry Thayer Drowne, Efq New York, N. Y.

Henry H. Edes, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Jonathan Edwards, A.B., M.D New Haven, Ct.

William Henry Egle, A.M., M.D Harrifburgh, Pa.

Janus G. Elder, Efq Lewillon, Me.

Samuel Eliot, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

Alfred Langdon Elwyn, M.D Philadelphia, Pa.

James Emott, Efq New York, N.Y.

The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL.D, New York, N.Y.

Jofeph Story Fay, Efq Woods Holl, Mafs.

John S. H. Fogg, M.D Bofton, Mafs.

The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Samuel P. Fowler, Efq Danvers, Mafs.

James E. Gale, Efq Haverhill, Mafs.

Ifaac D. Garfield, Efq Syracufe, N.Y.

Marcus D. Gilman, Efq Montpelier, Vt.

The Hon. John E. Godfrey Bangor, Me.

Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M Salem, Mafs.

Elbridge H. Gofs, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Juftice Horace Gray, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

William W. Greenough, A.B Bofton, Mafs.

356 The Prince Society.

Ifaac J. Greenwood, A.M New York, N.Y.

Charles H. Guild, Efq Somerville, Mafs.

David Greene Hafkins, Jr., A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M Bolton, Mafs.

The Hon. Rutherford B. Hayes, LL, D. ... Fremont, Ohio.

Thomas Wentworth Higginfon, A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

W. Scott Hill, M.D Augulla, Me.

James F. Hunnewell, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Theodore Irwin, Efq Ofwego, N.Y.

The Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M Lawrence, Mafs.

The Hon. Clark Jillfon Worcefter, Mafs.

Mr. Sawyer Junior Nafhua, N.H.

George Lamb, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Edward F. De Lancey, Efq New York, N.Y.

William B. Lapham, M.D Augufta, Me.

Henry Lee, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

John A. Lewis, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Cabot Lodge, Ph.D Bofton, Mafs.

Orfamus H. Marfhall, Efq.8 Buffalo, N. Y.

William T. R. Marvin, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

William F. Matchett, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Frederic W. G. May, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

John Norris McClintock, A.M Concord, N.H.

The Rev. James H. Means, D.D Bofton, Mafs.

George H. Moore, LL.D New York, N.Y.

The Rev. James De Normandie, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Prof. Charles E. Norton, A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

John H. OftDorne, Efq Auburn, N.Y.

George T. Paine, Efq Providence, R. I.

Nathaniel Paine, Efq Worcefter, Mafs.

John Carver Palfrey, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Daniel Parifti, Jr., Efq New York, N.Y.

Francis Parkman, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

Auguftus T. Perkins, A.M . Bofton, Mafs.

The Rt. Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D., LL.D. Davenport, Iowa.

William Frederic Poole, LL.D Chicago, 111.

Rear Admiral George Henry Preble, U. S. N. . Brookline, Mafs.

The Prince Society. 357

Samuel S. Purple, M.D. New York, N.Y.

Edward Afhton Rollins, A.M. ....... Philadelphia, Pa.

The Hon. Nathaniel Fofter Safford, A.M. . . . Milton, Mafs.

Jolhua Montgomery Sears, A.B. ...... Bofhon, Mafs.

John Gilmary Shea, LL.D Elizabeth, N.J.

The Hon. Mark Skinner Chicago, 111.

The Rev. Carlos Slafter, A.M Dedham, Mafs.

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Charles C. Smith, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Oliver Blifs Stebbins, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

George Stevens, Efq Lowell, Mafs.

George Stewart, Jr., Efq Quebec, Canada.

Ruffell Sturgis, A.M London, Eng.

William B. Trafk, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Jofeph B. Walker, A.M Concord, N.H.

William Henry Wardwell, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Mifs Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa.

Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D Salem, Mafs.

John Gardner White, A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

William Adee Whitehead, A.M Newark, N.J.

William H. Whitmore, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Auftin Whitney, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Marftiall P. Wilder, Ph.D Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Winfor, Efq Philadelphia, Pa.

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

Charles Levi Woodbury, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Aftibel Woodward, M.D. Franklin, Ct.

J. Otis Woodward, Efq Albany, N.Y.

LIBRARIES.

American Antiquarian Society Worcefter, Mafs.

Amherft College Library Amherft, Mafs.

Aftor Library . New York, N.Y.

Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, France.

Bodleian Library Oxford, Eng.

Bofton Athenaeum Bofton, ]\Iafs.

Bofton Library Society Bofton, Mafs.

358 The Prince Society,

Britifli Mufeum London, Eng.

Concord Public Library Concord, Mafs.

Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library Peabody, Mafs.

Free Public Library Worcefter, Mafs.

Free Public Library of Toronto Toronto, Canada.

Gloucefter Public Library Gloucefter, Mafs.

Grofvenor Library Buffalo, N. Y.

Harvard College Library Cambridge, Mafs.

Hiftorical Society of Pennfylvania Philadelphia, Pa.

Library Company of Philadelphia Philadelphia, Pa.

Library of Parliament Ottawa, Canada.

Library of the State Department Wafhington, D.C.

Literary and Hiftorical Society of Quebec . . . Quebec, Canada.

Long Ifland Hiftorical Society Brooklyn, N.Y.

Maine Hiftorical Society Portland, Me.

Maryland Hiftorical Society Baltimore, Md.

Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society Bofton, Mafs.

Mercantile Library New York, N.Y.

Minnefota Hiftorical Society St. Paul, Minn.

Newburyport Public Library, Peabody Fund . . Newburyport, Mafs.

New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society . . Bofton, Mafs.

Newton Free Library Newton, Mafs.

New York Society Library New York, N.Y.

Peabody Inftitute of the City of Baltimore . . . Baltimore, Md,

Plymouth Public Library Plymouth, Mafs.

Portfmouth Athenaeum Portfmouth, N.H.

Public Library of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio.

Public Library of the City of Bofton Bofton, Mafs.

Redwood Library Newport, R.I.

State Hiftorical Society of Wifconfm Madifon, Wis.

State Library of Maffachufetts Bofton, Mafs.

State Library of New York Albany, N.Y.

State Library of Rhode Ifland Providence, R.I.

State Library of Vermont Montpelier, Vt.

Williams College Library Williamftown, Mafs.

Woburn Public Library Woburn, Mafs.

Yale College Library New Haven, Ct.

PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY.

New England's Prospect

A true, lively and experimental! defcription of that part of America, commonly called
New England : difcovering the State of that Countrie, both as it ftands to our new-come
Engli/h Planters ; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. By William Wood. London,
1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D.

The Hutchinson Papers.

A Colledion of Original Papers relative to the Hiftory of the Colony of Maffachufetts-
Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M., and
William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols.

John Dunton's Letters from New England.

Letters written from New England A.D. 1686. By John Dunton in which are
defcribed his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the chara6lers of his friends
and acquaintances. Now firft publifhed from the Original Manufcript in the Bodleian
Library, Oxford. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M

The Andros Tracts.

Being a Colle6tion of Pamphlets and Official Papers iffued during the period between
the overthrow of the Andros Government and the eftablifhment of the fecond Charter of
Maffachufetts. Reprinted from the original editions and manufcripts. With a Memoir
of Sir Edmund Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 3 vols.

Sir William Alexander and American Colonization.

Including three Royal Charters, iffued in 1621, 1625, 1628 ; a Traft entitled an
Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624; a Patent, from the Great
Council for New England, of Long Ifland, and a part of the prefent State of ISLiine ; a
Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland ; with a Memoir of Sir William Alex-
ander, by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.

John Wheelwright.

Including his Faft-day Sermon, 1637 ; his Mercurius Americanus, 1645, ^^^ other
writings -, with a paper on the genuinenefs of the Indian deed of 1629, and a Memoir by
the editor, Charles H. Bell, A.M.

360 Publications of the Society.

Voyages of the Northmen to America.

Including extrads from Icelandic Sagas relating to Weftern voyages by Northmen in
the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an Englifh tranflation by North Ludlow Beamifh ;
with a Synopfis of the hiftorical evidence and the opinion of Profeffor Rafn as to the
places vifited by the Scandinavians on the coafl of America. Edited, with an Introduc-
tion, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.

The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain.

Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, and in that of
1619 ; tranflated from the French by Charles P. Otis, Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and
hiftorical illuftrations, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 3 vols.

New English Canaan, or New Canaan.

Containing an abftra6l of New England, compofed in three books. I. The firft fetting
forth the Originall of the Natives, their Manners and Cuftomes, together with their trada-
ble Nature and Love towards the Englifh. II. The Natural Indowments of the Coun-
trie, and what Staple Commodities it yieldeth. III. What People are planted there, their
Profperity, what remarkable Accidents have happened fince the firft planting of it, together
with their Tenents and pra6lice of their Church. Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords
Inne, Gent, upon ten Years Knowledge and Experiment of the Country, 1632. Edited,
with an Introdu6lion and hiftorical illuftrations, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B.

VOLUMES IN preparation.

1. Captain John Mason, the founder of New Hampftiire, including his Tra6l on New-
foundland, 1620, the feveral American Charters in which he was a Grantee, and other
papers ; and a Memoir by the late Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with hiftorical illuf-
trations, by John Ward Dean, A.M.

2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, including his Tra6l entitled A Brief Narration, 1658,
American Charters granted to him, and other papers ; with hiftorical Illuftrations and
a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.

3. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, including his Difcourfe to prove a Paffage by the North-
Weft to Cathaia and the Eaft Indies ; his Letters Patent to difcover and poffefs lands in
North America, granted by Queen Elizabeth, June 11, 1578. With hiftorical Illuftrations
and a Memoir.

4. Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony in America. Containing the Royal
Charter of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh for difcovering and planting of new
lands and countries, March 25, 1584, with letters, difcourfes, and narratives of the
Voyages made to Virginia at his charges, with original defcriptions of the country, com-
modities, and inhabitants. Edited, with a Memoir and hiftorical illuftrations, by the
Rev. Increafe N. Tarbox, D.D.

INDEX.

INDEX,

Aberdeceft, 130, n.

Acomenticus : charter granted to, by
Gorges, 81; Morton dies at, 91.

Adams, John : on name of Merry-
Mount, 14, n. ; on fate of Wollafton,
15 ; on Thomas Morton, 95, n. ; in-
juries to library of, loi, n.

Adams, John Q., loi.

Adders, 213.

^lianus, 345, n.

Air of New England, 121, 137, 177, 190.

Alcides, 292.

Ale6lo, 275.

Alexander, Sir William, quoted, 140,
167.

Alder, the, 186.

Allen, J. A., notes on wild animals of
New England by, 199-215.

Allerton, Ifaac : his courfe toward
Morton in England, .35, 303; his
miffion to England in 1629, 36; car-
ries Morton back to Plymouth, 36 ;
tries to obtain charter for Plymouth,
52 ; brings over goods, 289, n.

Allize, 225.

Alfatian Squire, the, 92.

Amphitrite, 277, 281.

Animals, wild of New England, chap-
ter on, 199-215.

Antinomian controverfy, 81, 323, n.

Antonomafia, 316.

Anunime^ 123, n.

Arbor- vitse, 185,^.

Archimedes, 291.

Argus eyes, 303.

Ariftotle, cited, 117, 118.

Armoniack, 219.

Arms. {See Fire-arms.)

Arthur's Table, King, 290.

Arundel, Earl of, 60, 70.

Afcowke, 213.

Alh, the, 183.

Afpinwall, William, 319, n.

Audubon, John James, quoted, 131, iu ;
192, n.

Auk, the great, formerly found in Bof-
ton Bay, 131, ^.

Bacchanal Triumph, poem, 290-4.
Bagnall, Walter, 22, 206, «., 218, ;/.
Baptifm, 331, 11.
" Barren doe, the," 94, 264-6, 272-7.

364

Index.

Barrowe, Henry, on Common Prayer,
332, n.

Bafs, 222.

Beach, the, 183.

Bears : ufed by Indians, 142-4 ; value
of Ikins of, 205 ; defcription of, 209 ;
Indian methods of hunting, 210 ;
flefh of, 210.

Beaver : value of fkins of, 22, 205, 295 ;
gain in, 32, 282 ; regulation of trade
in, 39, 306 ; virtues of tails of, 162,
205 ; defcription of, 204 ; mufkrats
paffed for, 211; Dutch trade in, 239,
n.\ a theft compounded in, 269;
plenty of, at Nipnet, 270 ; compared
to Jafon's Fleece, 295.

Bible, the, 94, 212, 260.

Bibliography of New Canaan^ 99.

Billington, John, 217.

Birch, the, 186.

Birds, chapter on, 189-99.

Black-lead, 219.

Blackftone, William : moves from Wef-
faguffet to Bofton, 24 ; contributes
to Morton's arreft, 30; an Epifco-
palian, 94.

Bluefifli, 222.

Bole Armoniack, 219.

Book of Common Prayer, 22, 68, 82,
168, 260, 283, 311 ; an idol, 69, 332 ;
Morton perfecuted for ufmg, 92-5.

Book of Sports^ 260, n.

Boflon Bay : fa vages about in 1625, 11 ;
fettlers about in 1628, 24; defcrip-
tion of in 1630, 122; great auks
feen in, 131, n. ; French veffel
wrecked in, 131, n.

Bradford, John, on Common Prayer,
332, n.

Bradford, Governor William : cited, i,

6, 13, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, 31, 35, 36, Z1
46, 49, 52, 79, 92, 133, n., 205, n., 217
n., 323, n., 325, n., 330, n., 332, n. :
letters of, on arreft of Morton, 30
generally correal, 49; Hterary Ikill
of, 96 ; abfence of humor in, 97, 98
referred to as Rhadamant, 291, ;2.

Brant, 189, 268.

Breames, 227.

Brereton, Sir William, grant to, from
John Gorges, 34.

Brewfter, William, notes on birds by,
189-99, ^v 226, It.

Briareus, 288.

Bridges, Robert, 90.

Bright, Rev. Francis, 300, n.^ 325, n.

Brimftone, 220.

Briftol, 2.

Brown, Peter, 214.

Browne, Robert, 323, n.

Brutus, fuppofed defcent of Indians
from, 126, 127, 129.

Bubble, 266-8, 270-3.

Buckingham, Duke of, 178, n.

Burdet, Rev. George, correfponds
with Laud, 83, 88.

Burglary, 319, ;2.

Burning undergrowth : Indian cuftom
of, 172, 184, 186 ; protedion againft,

173-
Burfley, John, at Weffaguffet, 24, 31,

162, n.
Buzzard's Bay, 266.
Butler, Samuel, 96, 98, 251, ;2.

Caen, William and Emery de, 235, n,
Caiaphas, 300, 302, n,
Cain, 312.

Index.

365

Campbell, Lord : on royal proclama-
tions, 26 ; cited, 35.

Canada : derivation of name, 235 ; firft
conqueft of, 235, ;^.

Canary Iflands : as a market, 182, 222 ;
Morton at, 342-3.

Cane, 275.

Canonicus, funeral rites of his fon,
170, n.

Cape Ann : Lyford moves to, 24; Mor-
ton at, 261.

Cape Cod, 21, 23, 226; French veffel
wrecked on, i^i^n.

Cape Verde Iflands, 116, 117, n.

Carheil, Father, cited, 17.

Caribdis, 277, 280.

Cattup Keen, 137, n.

Carlifle, Earl of, 70.

Cafco Bay, 221 ; royalifts about, 85.

Cau-07np/k, 124, n.

Cecrops, 293.

Cedars: at Mount Wollaflon, 10;
where to be found large, 173 ; abun-
dance and fize of, 184 ; white, 185, n.

Cerberus, 294.

Chalk-Hones, 216.

Champlain, lake : prote(5lion for dif-
covery of, "j"] ; Morton on, -jZ ; Jof-
felyn's expedition to difcover, 79 ;
when named, 234, n. {See Erocoife.)

Champlain : his Voyages quoted, 149,
n., 150, n. ; his map, 236, n.

Charity of the Separatifts, 320.

Charity, the, comes to New England
in June, 1622, 7, 130.

Chauquaqock, 254, 7Z.

Charles I. : corruption of court of, 52 ;
charader and government of, 54;
financial ftraits of, in 1635, 73 ; turn-
ing point in fortunes of, 78.

Charleftown : fettlement of, 34, 300,
n. ; deacons of church of, 319.

Charon, 274.

Charter party, 304, 316, 317. {See
Cradock, Matthew.)

Chaftity, abfence of, among Indians,
16, 17, 145, n.

Chelfea, 229, 300.

Che/Itetue, 148.

Cheftnut, the, 183.

Chickatawbut, dwelling-place of, 11 ;
cunning of, 162, n. ; his mother's
grave defpoiled, 170, 247 ; fpeech of,
247-9 '■> Wefton's men living with,
252.

Chingachgook, 213, ;^.

Chriftmas, 18, 97; "brave gambols,"
294.

Church pra6lices in New England,
69, 260, 262, 322-34.

Church of England : Winthrop's de-
teflation of, 63 ; and Morton, 92 ;
and Lyford, 263 ; dignity of, ad-
vanced in New England by Mor-
ton, 283 ; Ratcliff a member of,
317.

Churching of women, 331, n.

Cicero, quoted, 139, 181, 312.

Cithyrea, 278.

Clams, 227.

Clarendon, Lord, cited, 52.

Clayton's Virginia, cited, 199, ??.,2o8,
n., 210, n., 214, It.

Cleaves, George: Morton in employ
of, 'J'] ; in employ of Rigby, 84 ; "a
fire-brand of diffenfion," Z$,

Clerk, Roger, 300, n.

Cockles, 227.

Coddington, Governor William, writes
to Winthrop about Morton, 85.

366

Index.

Cod-fifh, 221 ; markets for, 222 ; fu-
periority of New England, ib.

Cod-liver oil, 222.

Coins, old, found at Richmond Ifland,
218, 11.

Coke, Sir Edward, on proclamations,

Colchos, 292. [26, 35.

Commiffions, fyftem of, in favor at
court of Charles L, ^"j.

Conies, 204, 210, 211.

Common Prayer : Book of, treatment
of in Maffachufetts, 69; trouble oc-
cafioned by in Scotland, 82 ; Mor-
ton's ufe of, caufe of his perfecution,
92, 260, 283 ; reference to in New
Canaan^ 93, 169 ; an idol, 332, n.

Conne6licut, Blue Laws of, 252, n.

Copper, 220.

Cormorants, 226.

Cos, 124, 217.

Cottington, Lord, 60.

Cotton, John, 98.

Council for New England : efforts of
to fettle the Maffachufetts, 2 ; grant
to Robert Gorges, 3 ; fecures pro-
clamation about fale of fire-arms to
Indians, 20 ; gives patent to Com-
pany of Maffachufetts Bay, 31 ; quar-
rel of with Maffachufetts Company,
33 ; unequal to the emergency in
1634, 59 ; plan for dividing territory
of, 59 ; divides New England, 70 ;
furrender of patent by, 72 ; records
of quoted, 130, n., 196, n. , iffues
patent to Walter Bagnall, 219, n.

Court : held at Salem, 306 ; at Bofton,
to try Morton, 311.

Cradock, Governor Matthew, 298, n. ;
before Privy Council, 51, 56 ; "an
impofterous knave," 62 ; default of

in g^uo warranto proceedings, 75;
on Morton, "j^ ; Mailer Charter-
party 304, n., 316, 317.

Cranes, 192.

Cromwell, Ohver, 83.

Crows, 195.

Crow-blackbirds, 198.

Cupid, 278.

Cyprefs-trees, 185.

Cynthius, 345.

Dagon, 32, n.

Davis, Captain John, 104, 118, n.

Deaconefs, 323.

Deacons, 322.

Deane, Charles : cited, 30, s^ ; accur-
acy of, 56.

Decameron, 94.

De Cofta, B. F. : quoted, 92-4; re-
ferred to, 100.

Deer: Ikins of, 135, 142-3, 202; killed
by Indians, 162 ; followed by fcent,
166; kinds of, 200-2 ; preyed on by
wolves, 204, 208 ; and luzerans, 206.

Deer-traps, 202.

Deer Ifland, 155, ;^. , 204, n.

Delilah, 281.

Demas-, part of, 302, n.

Demophoon, 273.

Dermer, Captain Thomas : redeems
captives, 131, n.\ quoted concerning
peftilence of 1616, 133, n.

Devil, the : eftimation of among In-
dians, 139, n., 150, n.^ 165, 167;
rules the Powows, 178.

Dexter, Rev. H. M., 244, n.

Diogenes, 178 ; tub of, 286.

Dodge, General, cited, 169, n., 174, n.

" Doe, the barren," 94, 264-6, 272-7.

Index.

367

Dog-filli, 223, n.

Don Quixote^ 94, 272, 286.

Dorchefter, Lord, 53.

Dorfet, Earl of, 60.

Dover, N. H., Hiltons at, 30.

Downing, Emanuel : before Privy Coun-
cil, 51 ; account of, 52; inftruded to
find evidence againft Morton, 88;
on humming-bird, 198, n.

Drails, 223.

Drunkennefs, Indian tendency to, 174.

Ducks : kinds of, 190 ; preyed on by
luzeran, 206, n.

Dudley, Governor Thomas, 43, 80, 90 ;
cited, 4, 46.

Duxbury, 84.

Eacus, 288, 293, 294, 309.

Eager, Pallor Matter. {See Skelton.)

Eaft Indies, 239.

Edmunds, Sir Thomas, 60.

Eels, 224.

Egypt, 240.

Elder-tree, the, 186.

Elders of church, 313, 322.

Elephants, their fuppofed religion,
141, n.

Elias houfe, 310.

Eliot, Dr. John, 326, n.

EHot, John, quoted, 124, 129, n.

Elk, 200, n.

Ellis, Rev. Dr. G. E., quoted, 145, n.

Elm, the, 183.

En animia, 123.

Endicott, John : arrival of, at Salem,
31; vifits Mt. Wollafton, 32; oc-
cupies the Gorges grant, 34; his

inllru6lions, 38, 40, 45 ; meets "old
planters," 39, 306 ; attempts to rear-
reft Morton, 43 ; derided by Morton,
45 ; mutilates royal ftandard, 66 ;
iffues warrant to arreft Morton,
Z6\ governor, 88; libelled in New
Cajtaan, 88, 304 ; called Littleworth,
220, 298-9, 304, 306, 308, 318 ; Mor-
ton's animofity to, 220, n. ; cured of
a wife, 298, n. ; fends fettlers to
Charleftown, 300, n. ; at Salem,
303-7 ; and the charter cafe, 305 ;
fraud imputed to, 308 ; punifhes
Ratchff, 316; fecond marriage of,
330, n.

Epi6letus, 312, n.

Epifcopalians : take up Morton's caufe,
92; in early Maffachufetts, 95, 218,
n.

Erocoife, lake of, 78, 234-7, 240, 241.
{See Champlain.)

Efculapius, 278.

Executions. {See Hanging.)

Exercifmg in church, by lay members,
262, n., 322-30.

Faircloath, Innocence {See Ratcliff.)

Fairfax, Lord, 83.

Falcons and falconry, 6, 196.

Falkland, Lord, 83.

Falftaff, 278, n.

Fauftus, Dr., 319.

Fire-arms : fupplied to Indians, 20, 95 ;

trade in forbidden, 21 ; in hands of

Indians in 1628, 25.
Firing the country. {See Burning.)
Fifli, poifonous in the tropics, 116, n.\

kinds of in New England, 221-8.

368

Index.

Fifheries, veffels engaged in, 221.

Fitcher : a partner of Wollafton, 4 ;
left in charge at Mt. Wollafton and
expelled by Morton, 13.

Finch, Sir John, 35.

Flora, patronefs of May- day, 19, 281.

Flounders, 226.

Flowers in New England, 228.

Footmen, running, 329.

Force's TraSIs, 99.

Foxes, 206-8.

Fox-lkins, value of, 205, n., 207, n.

Franchife, the, in Maffachufetts, 331,
n.

Freeles, 227.

French authority, on Indians' fenfes,
166.

Frenchmen, captured, among Indians,
131, n.

" Froth, Nick and," 328, n.

Fuller, Dr. Samuel : dies of peftilence,
133, n. ; fuppofed to be alluded to
as Eacus, 288, 291, n., 309 ; note on,
297 ; at Salem, 298.

Furmety, 163, n. ; 296.

Furs : profit of trade in, 22, 32 ; regula-
tion of trade in, 39 ; Indian ufe of,
141-4; prices of, 205, n., 207, n.,
209. {See Beaver, Deer, Bear.)

Galena, found in Woburn, 219, n.

Ganymede, 279.

Gardiner, Sir Chriftopher: before Privy
Council, 50, 86 ; his prefatory verfes
to New EngliJJi Canaan^ 112; on
defcent of Indians, 128; intercedes
for Ratcliff, 320; note on, 338;

adventures of, 338-42; fonnet by,
3-41.

Geefe : defcriptions of, 189-90 ; preyed
on by luzeran, 206, ;/.

GelHus, Aulus, quoted, 312, n.

Gentry, created and degraded by Win-
throp, 313.

Gerard's Herbal^ referred to, 185.

Ghent, 236.

Gibbons, Major Edward, 90-1.

Gifte^ the, 44, 289.

Gloucefter, Morton at, 86.

Golgotha, a new-found, 133.

Goodman, John : adventure of, with a
wolf, 208, n. ; hears lions roar, 214, «.

Gookin, Daniel, quoted, 160, 174.

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2, 3, 36, 47,
95 ; procures iffues of proclamation
on fire-arms, 21 ; his curiofity as to
New England, 32 ; Morton ingra-
tiates himfelf with, 36 ; in correfpon-
dence with Morton, 41, 47 ; intrigues
againft Maffachufetts, 49 ; failure in,
53 ; works through Court influences,
54 ; renews complaints againft Maf-
fachufetts, 56; Ihapes Laud's policy
to New England, 58 ; his plan, 58 ;
to be governor-general, 59 ; his in-
fluence with Lords Commifftoners,
60 ; reprefents " thorough " in New
England, 60, 74 ; thought to be on
the New England coaft in 1635, 66 ;
his plans in 1635, 67 ; circumvents
Winflow, 68 ; grantee of Maine from
Council for New England, 71 ; ap-
pointed by King, governor-general,
71 ; failure of, caufed by want of
money, 72 ; age of, 75, n. ; death
of Mafon fatal to plans of, 76 ; pub-
lication of New Canaan not agree-

Index.

369

able to, 80 ; pretends to be friendly
to Maffachufetts, 80; " cafheers "
Morton, 80 ; grants charter to Aco-
menticus, 81; career of, 119, n. ;
eulogized, 189 ; Sir C. Gardiner, an
agent of, 338, n.

Gorges, John: fucceeds to R. Gorges's
grant, 33 ; deeds land to Brereton
and Oldham, 34, 40.

Gorges, Lord, 71.

Gorges, Captain Robert, 2, 33, 'T43,
162 ; arrives in Bofton Bay, 3 ; ex-
tent of his grant, 3 ; returns to Eng-
land, 4 ; validity of grant to, denied,
34 ; arrefts Wefton, 257, n.

Gofhawks, 197.

Gover, Anna, 298.

Grant, John, 62.

Grapes in New England, 186,

Gray, Profeffor Afa, 182, 188.

Greek, fuppofed refemblance of Indian
words to, 123, 126.

Greene, Charles, 99-101.

Greene, Richard, in charge of Weffa-
guffet fettlement, 7.

Greenland, exceffive cold of, 118.

Groufe in New England, 194, n.

" Habbe or nabbe," 335.
Hacche, Roger atte, 300, n.
Hake, 226.

Hale, Robert, 319, n.
Halibut, 225.
Hame., 124.

Hamilton, Marquis of, 70.
Hampden, John, 83.
Handmaid, the, Morton's voyage in,
45, 342-5-

Hanging: the Weymouth, 217, 249-52;

early in Maffachufetts, 217, n.\ in

Virginia, 342.
Hannibal, 263.
Hares, 204.

Harris, Rev. Thaddeus Mafon, \o\,n.
Harvard Univerfity : Library bulletin

referred to, 99-100 ; ftudents at,

whipped, 319, n.
Hawks and falcons in New England,

195-7-

" Hawk and buzzard," 336.

Hawthorn-trees, 186.

Heath-hen, 194, n.

Hebrew tribes, 310; origin of Indians
traced to, 129, n.

Hedgehogs, 211.

Hemlock-trees, 185, n.

Hemp in New England, 187, 202, 231.

Herbs of New England, 188, 228.

Herons, 192.

Herring, 224.

Hickory, 183, n.

Higginfon, Rev. F., quoted, 213, ;z.,
221, n., 232, n., 300, 11.

Higginfon, T. W., quoted, 312, n.

Hiltons, the : at Pifcataqua, 23 ; contri-
bute to Morton's arrefl, 30.

" Hippeus pine-tree horfe," 284.

Holbein, Hans, 253, 71.

Holland, 70, 288.

Hollis, Sir William, 253, n.

Horace, quoted, 119.

Horeb, the calf of, 278.

Horfe-mackerel, 223, n.

Howes, Edward, 317, n.

Howes, Edward, Jr., 334, ;/.

Hudibras, 96, 251, 71., 339, ;/.

Hudfon, Hendrick, voyages and fate of,

118, 71.

370

Index.

Hudfon, the, 236, n., 238.

Hull, fo called in 1628, 24, 337, n.

Hume, David, on royal proclamations,

26.
Humfrey, John : before Privy Council,

51; "animpofterous knave," 62, 64 ;

goes to New England, 64 ; Gorges

refers to patience of, 80.
Humming-bird, 102, n.^ 198.
Hunt, Captain Thomas, 244, n.
Hutchinfon, Mrs. Ann, 81, 323, n,
Hyde, Sir Nicholas, 35.
Hydra, 286, 287, 292, 293.

Indians : Morton's popularity with,
10; number in Maffachufetts, 11;
modefly of women, 16; defire for
guns and fpirits, 20 ; fire-arms
among, 20, 25; peililence of 1616
among, 120, 133, n. ; origin of,
123-9 ; language of, 123 ; de-
fcendants of Hebrew tribes, 129, n. ;
Frenchmen captives among, 131 ;
their wigwams, 134-8; their eating,
137, n. ; their hofpitality, 137, n. ;
their games and removals, 138;
their religion, 139-41, 167; their
drefs, 141-5; their trade, 141, 157-
9 ; their modefly, 142 ; their children
born white, 147, 7i. ; their bodies
well fhaped, 147 ; color of their eyes,
148, 165 ; their refpe6l to age, 148-
50; their conjuring tricks, 150-3;
their duels, 153-4; their money, 157
-9; their manufa6lures, 159; their
Itorehoufes, 160 ; their bafkets, 160 ;
did not ufe fait, 161 ; their cunning,

1 6 1-5; acutenefs of their fenfes,
165-6; diftinguifh French from
Spanifh by fmell, 166; crimes among,
169 ; their funerals, 169-71 ; thievery
among, 169; their cuftom of firing
the country, 172; diftant com-
merce of, 172, 220, n.^ 237; con-
tented life of, 175; fuperiority to
Englilli beggars, 175-6; utenfils and
method of drinking, 177; deer-traps
of, 202 ; method of hunting bears,
209-10 ; lobfler-feafts of, 226 ; belied
by Plymouth people, 256 ; compound
theft at Weffaguffet, 269 ; accom-
pany Bubble to Nipnet, 270 ; return
his property, 272 ; witnefs Morton's
punifhment, 312; reprove punifh-
ment of Morton, 312. {See Maffa-
chufetts.)

Indian women: abfence of chaftity
among, 16, 17, 145; Morton's rela-
tions with, 94 ; their drefs, 144 ; their
modefty, 145 ; their child-bearing,
145-8 ; their care of their infants,
147.

Ireland, no venomous bealls in, 48.

Irocoife, the great lake. {See Cham-
plain.)

Iron-ftones, 219.

Iroquois, 234.

Ifles of Shoals, Morton at, 29, 296,
302.

Ifraelites, 310 ; origin of Indians traced
to, 129, /?., 160, n.

Jackals, 207, n.^ 214, n.
James I., 16, 2)^\ fends fnake-flones
to Virginia, 214, n.

Index.

371

Jafon, 292 ; Golden Fleece of, 295,

Jeffreys, William : at Weffaguffet, 24,
31, 162, n. ; correfponds with Gorges,
60, n. ; letters of Morton to, 61, 86 ;
carries letters to Winthrop, 65 ; let-
ters from quoted, 102.

Jews, origin of Indians traced to, 129, n.

Job, 281.

Johnfon, Edward, 250.

Jonah, 103, 302, 327, 342-5.

Jonfon, Ben, 98 ; may have met Mor-
ton, 96; note on "poem," 290, 312,
n. ; quoted, 335, n.

Jordan, 310.

Joffelyn, Captain John, quoted, 16, n.^
133, n., 136, n., 137, n., 147, n., 158,
n., 160, n.., 171, ;/., 182, n., 185, /z.,
189, n.., 191, n.., 198, ;/., 201, n.., 205,
n.^ 206, ;z., 210, ;/., 212, ;«., 214, ;2.,
217, /^., 221, ;^,, 232, ;^., 235, n.

Joffelyn, Henry, 237; date of expedi-
tion of, to New tiampfhire, 79, 238.

"Jove, let, vouchfafe to thunder," 62,

103, 113, 345-
Jupiter, 279.

Kantantowwit^ 168, n.

Kennebec : Morton follows Plymouth

people to the, 23, 295 ; Plymouth

grant on the, 36.
Kennet, White, 99.
Kytan, an Indian god, 139, n.^ 167, n.^

168, 169.
Killock, 262.
King's Bench, warrant did not run in

Maffachufetts, 47.
Kirk, David, Louis and Thomas, con-

queft of Canada by, 235, n.

Kodliep Ken,
Koiis, 124, n.

37,

Laconia, 235, 238, n.

Lannerets, 196, 198.

Larks, 195.

Latin, fuppofed fimilarity with Indian
tongue, 123-6.

Laud, Archbifhop William : becomes
Primate, 55 ; influence of, 57 ; head
of Lords Commiffioners, 58, 60, 93,
322 ; played upon by Gorges, 64 ; and
Morton, 6?>, 93, 322-34; New Eng-
land not to be fuffered to languifh,
71 ; fupreme in England in 1635, 74;
his fortunes turn, 78 ; correfponds
with Burdet, 83 ; orders Common
Prayer to be ufed, 333, n,

Lazarus, 344.

Lead ore, 219.

Leadftones, 219.

Learning, vilified in New England,
282.

Leather, made by Indians, 142, 201.

Lechford's Plaine Dealing quoted,
147, 322-34.

Lenox, Duke of, 70.

Lerna, lake, 292.

Lewis, Alonzo, quoted, 129.

Libertines, New England will not
brook, 48.

Lime, 215.

Limeflone in Weymouth, 216, 71.

Lions in New England, 214.

Littleworth. {See Endicott.)

Lobfters, 209, 226, 265.

Lords Commiffioners of Plantations :
appointment of board of, ^Z, 100 ;

Zl^

Index.

who compofed, 60 ; powers of, 60 ;
news of appointment of, in Maffa-
chufetts, 65 ; laft meeting of, 81 ;
Morton's dependence on, 93 ; dedi-
cation of New Canaan to, 109, 322.

Louis XI., 326.

Lowndes's Manual^ 100.

Lucan, 141.

Lufcus, 263.

Luzerans : defcription of, 200 ; value
of furs of, 205, n.

Lyford, Rev. John : at Hull, 24, 264 ;
moves to Cape Ann, 24 ; at Ply-
mouth, 262-4, 332, 71.

Lyman, Theodore, notes on fifh,
221-8.

Machiavelli, 339.

Machdug^ lyj^ n.

Mackerel, 223.

Mackerel-fhark, 223, n.

Maine: trading- Itations in, 23, 218,221 ;
royalifts in, 85.

Maja, 281.

Manchefter, Earl of, 60.

Manittooes, 207, n.

Maple, 186.

Marble in New England, 215.

Marblehead, quality of ftone at, 215, ;2.

Ma-re-Mount, 14. {See Merry Mount.)

Marlins, 198.

Marriage in Maffachufetts, a civil con-
trad, 69, 330.

Mars, 292.

Martens : value of furs of, 205, n. ; de-
fcribed, 206.

Mary &^ John, arrival of at Hull, 42.

Majke, the North Star, 125.

Mafon, Captain John : hoftile to Maffa-
chufetts, 49 ; grantee of New Hamp-
fhire from Council of New England,
71 ; builds fliips to take governor-
general to New England, 73 ; finan-
cial needs of, 74 ; death of, and note
on, 76, 238.

Maffachufetts : latent fpirit of rebelHon
in, in 1632, 51, 66; emigration to, in
1634? SS ; panic in, in 1635, 66, 71 ;
preparations againll, in 1635, 67 ;
church pra6lices in, 69, 322-34;
complaints againll, in 1638, 81 ; ap-
peals to king a mifdemeanor in, 87 ;
location and advantages of, 112;
elk feen in, 200, n. ; population of,
in 1632-7, 230; baptifm limited to
franchife in, 331, n.] defcription of
community in, 334, iz. ; juftice in,
334-6.

Maffachufetts Charter: attack on in
Privy Council, in 1632, 49; obtained
by influence, 52 ; fent for by Privy
Council, 56; fecond attack on, 58,
61 ; not returned to England, 64 ;
plan for vacating, 67 ; quo warranto
proceedings to fet afide, 7S 5 demand
for return of, in 1638, 82.

Maffachufetts Company : grant to, 31;
difficulty of, with Council of New
England, 33 ; procures charter, 34 ;
"old planters," jealoufy of, 38; in-
ftruftions of, to Endicott, 38, 40, 45 ;
policy of, to, 39; regulates trade in
furs, 39 ; complaints againll, 50 ;
treafurer of, 305 ; patent-cafe of,

305.
Maffachufetts Indians : number of, 1 1 ;
Wellon's men killed by, 252, n. ;
humanity of, 256.

Index.

373

Maffafoit : a night in his lodge, 136, n. ;
detains Samofet, 244, n.

Mather, Cotton, quoted, 129, n., 132, n.,
150, n.^ 152, ^., 160, n.^ 17s, n.,
33r, n.

Matta, 237.

Mat tap an, 12, 124.

Maverick, Rev. John, 325, n.

Maverick, Samuel : fays that Morton
had a patent, 8 ; moves from Weffa-
guffet to Noddle's Ifland, 24; in
conne6lion with Morton's arreft, 30;
his affeffment for charge of Morton's
arreft, 30 ; cited, 46 ; refers to Mor-
ton's arraignment at Bofton, 88 ; an
Epifcopalian, 94.

May, Thomas, quoted, 141, n.

Mayberry, S. P., on Walter Bagnall,
218, n.

May-day feftivities : immorahty of, 18 ;
at Mount Wollafton, 18, 276-82.

May-pole, the : of Merry-Mount, 17,
270, 295; cuftom of erecting, 17;
cut down by Endicott, 32.

Medufa, 292.

Meechin, I'^'j.

Melpomene, 275.

Menhaden, 225, n., 226, n.

Mephiftopheles, 319.

Mermaid, the, 97.

Merriam, Mr., identifies fimpes as
woodcock, 191, n.

Merry-Mount : fountain at, 276 ; May-
day at, 276-84 ; to be made a woeful
mount, 278 ; monfter at, 282. {See
Mt. Wollafton.)

Metawna, 194, n.

Mice, 214.

Milo, 270.

Milton, John, quoted, 129.

Minerals of New England, 215-21.

Minifters : ordination of, at Plymouth,
262; at Salem, 300, n., 306; ule of
notes by, 322, n. ; ordination of, in
New England, 324 ; fuperior to
magiftrates in New England, ib. ;
firft in New England, 325, n.\ ab-
fent-mindednefs of a, ib. ; did not
marry in New England, 330,

Minifters' fons, whipped, 319, n.

Minos, 275, 293, 294, 309.

Mint and Cummin, tithes of, 102, iii,
280, 333.

Mittannug, 193, n.

Mona, 124.

Monatoquit, 9, 28, 285 ; limeftone near
to, 216.

Money, Indian. {See Wampum.)

Monfall, Ralph, 319, n.

Monthly Anthology^ loi, 320.

Moofe, defcription and ufes of, 142,
200.

Morell, Rev. William, quoted, 143, n.

Morton, Nathaniel, cited, 5.

Morton, Thomas : comes to Maflachu-
fetts with Wollafton, i ; fufpe6led of
murder, 2, 15, 46 ; his previous Hfe,
4-5 ; his acquaintance with claffics,
4, 345, 7t. ; his firft coming to New
England, 6 ; his filence about Wol-
lafton, 13 ; inaccuracy of, 14, 63, 96,
123, n., 335, n. ; his fondnefs for
field fports, 15 ; his treatment of
Indians, 16, 256 ; relations of, with
Indian women, 16; his verfes, 19;
fupphes Indians with guns, 20;
filence of, on fubjefl, 21 ; trades in
Maine, 23 ; vifits Wefiaguflet, 24 ;
number of his neighbors, 25 ; remon-
ftrated with for fale of fire-arms, 25;

3 74

Index.

on proclamations, 26; arreft of, by
Standifh, 27, 282-6 ; efcape of, 28,
283; taken to Plymouth, 29, 296;
fent to England, 29, 289 ; cofi; of ar-
reft of, 30, 302; reaches England,
31 ; not proceeded againft, 35, 303 ;
could have been proceeded againft
in Star Chamber, 35 ; ingratiates
himfelf with Gorges, 36 ; and Aller-
ton, z^, 325; good refults of, 37;
returns to Plymouth, 37, 304; to
Mount Wollafton, 38; refufes to
fign agreement, 39, 307 ; difregards
trade regulations, 40, 308 ; an agent
of Gorges, 41; profits of, 41, 308;
attempt to re-arreft, 41, 308 ; re-
arreft of, 43 ; trial and fentence of,
44; fent back to England, 45 ; charges
againft him, 46 ; punifhment of, 46-
8, 311, 312; a warrant for his ar-
reft from King's Bench, 47, 311 ; a
*' libertine," 48; driven away from
Maffachufetts, 49, 336-7; in Exe-
ter jail, 49; allies himfelf to ene-
mies of Maffachufetts Charter, 50;
makes complaint before Privy Coun-
cil, 50 ; gives reafon of failure of
complaint, 54; forwards more com-
plaints, 56 ; elation of, in 1634, 60 ;
his letters to William Jeffreys,
61 ; crying as Jonas, 61, 103, 344;
plays on Laud's foibles, 64, 93,
322-34, n.^ n.\ has Winflow put
in Fleet prifon, 69 ; Solicitor of
Council for New England, 72
promptnefs of, in legal proceedings
75 ; on Captain John Mafon, 76
Cradock on, "j"]-^ in pay of Cleaves
"JJ ; in difgrace with Gorges, 80
witneffes Acomenticus charter, 81

ftarved out of England, 83 ; at
Plymouth in 1643,84; pretends to
be a Commonwealth's man, 85 ;
goes to Maine, 85 ; to Rhode
Ifland, 85 ; to Bofton, 86 ; ar-
raigned, 86; extraordinary proceed-
ings againft, 87 ; petition of, 88-
90 ; imprifonment, releafe and death
of, 91 ; a man out of place, 92 ; Epif-
copalian defenders of, 92 ; " his
faults," 93 ; oppreffively dealt with
in Maffachufetts, 94; fmall hterary
merit of, 95 ; may have met Butler
and Jonfon, 96; fenfe of humor of,
97; ftyleof, 103; at Richmond Ifland,
218; ufes Common Prayer, 260, 311 ;
at Cape Ann, 261 ; at Nut Ifland, 268 ;
date of arreft, 295 ; references of, to
Winthrop, 310, ;2., 321; gets game
for fettlers, 321 ; at Salem, 325, n. ;
at Canary Iflands, 342; his voyage
to England, 342-5.

Mount Dagon, 32, 278.

Mount WoUafton : why fo called, i ;
chara6ler and number of fettlers at,
8, 286, 294; defcription and flcetch
of, 9-10; view from, 12; location of,
15 ; morals at, 17; May-day feftivi ties
at, 18 ; a refuge of runaways, 22, 23 ;
within grant to Maffachufetts Com-
pany, 31 ; deftru6lion of houfe at, 45 ;
Common Prayer at, 94, 283 ; foun-
tain at, 229 ; monfter at, 282.

Muflcrats, 204; value of fliins of, 205, n.
defcription of, 210.

Mufcles, 227.

Munnohj 124, n.

Index.

375

Nan weeteo, 148, n.

Nantafket, 24, 25, 30, 325, n., 337, ;2.'

Nanepafhemet, 155.

Naumkeag, 25, 30.

Nebuchadnezzar, 116.

Nectct, 193, ?2.

Neent, ig4., n.

Neptune, 277.

Netherlands, 293.

NeTV Canaan : poHtical fignificance of,
68 ; as a pohtical pamphlet, 68, 322,
n. ; reference to Lake Irocoife in,
78; where written, 78, 233, n.; re-
ferred to by Bradford, 79 ; lateft re-
vifion of, 79 ; no copies of, get to
New England, 79, 88 ; publication
of, not agreeable to Gorges, 80 ;
referred to by Winthrop, Z6 ; ref-
erences to Book of Common Prayer
in, 93 ; ribaldry of, 94 ; criticifm of,
95-6 ; referred to in H^^dibras^ 96 ;
humor in, 97; a connecting link, 98 ;
bibliography of, 99-101 ; titlepages
of, 100 ; printing of, 102 ; caufe of
errors in, 103; rules for prefent edi-
tion of, 104.

New England : emigration to, in 1634,
55 ; royal policy towards, $"] ; church
pra6lices in, 69; divifion of, in 1635,
70; coramffion for governing, in 1637,
'j'j \ location and temperature of,
120-1 ; winds not violent in, 122,
232; plenty of, 175; air of, 177;
beauty of, 180 ; motives of fettlers in,
181 ; no boggy ground in, 228 ; per-
fumed air of, 228, 231-2 ; fuperiority
of, to Virginia, 228, 229, 233, 265 ;
natural waters of, 229; population

of, 230 ; fertihty of, 231 ; people of,
never have colds, 232 ; rainfall of,
233 ; coaft and harbors of, ib. ; fe-
cundity of women in, 265 ; univer-
fities vilified in, 282. {See Council
for New England.)

New Englijh Canaan, (See New
Canaan.^

New Hampfhire, population of, in 1634,
230, n.

Newburyport: galena found in, 219, n. ;
filver ore, 220, n.

Newcomein, John, 216-7.

Niagara Falls, 236.

" Nick and Froth," 328, n.

Nilus, 240.

Niobe, 277, 281.

Nipnets, 240, 270.

Nneesnnednna, 193, n.

Noddy, Do6lor, 309.

Nokehick, 175, n.

North Star, the Indian name of, 125, 7t.

Northweft paffage, intereft in the, in
1632, 118, n., 239.

" Nofes out of joint," 94, 281.

Notes ufed in preaching, 322.

Nourfe, H. S., on Elk in South Lan-
caller, Mafs., 200, n.

Nowell, Increafe, 305, 7i.

Nut Ifland, 268.

Nuttall's OrnWiology^ cited, 194, n.

Oaks in New England, 182.
Gates, Jack, 253, n,
CEdipus, 277, 280.
Oil, cod-liver, 222.

" Old Planters," jealoufy of Maflaclui-
fetts Company, 38.

Zl^

Index.

Oldham, John, 40 ; at Hull, 24 ; takes
Morton to England, 29-32 ; his prom-
ifes of gain in New England, 32;
his fcheme for trading, 33 ; does not
prefs matters againft Morton, 33, 36;
receives grant from John Gorges,
34; tries to organize expedition, 34;
"a jack in his mood," 40; his treat-
ment at Plymouth, 262-4.

Oliver le Daim, 326.

Om^ 124, 71.

Ordination. {See Minifters.)

Otters, value of furs of, 205, n.^ 206.

Ounce, the, 206, n.

Ovid, quoted, 217, 273.

Owls, 195.

Oyfters, 227.

Palfrey, J. G., quoted, 140, //., 148, n.

"Pan \\^ Shepherds' God," 124.

Papafiquineo. {See Pafconaway.)

Parkman, Francis, quoted, 16, 17, 136,
n.., 140, n.^ 145, n.^ 158, n.^ 166, n.,
168, n,^ 234, n.

Partridges, 194.

Pafconaway, the fachem, 150, n. ; his
tricks and incantations, 151 ; his
daughter's marriage, 154-5.

Pafcopan^ 124.

Pajkanontam^ 124, n.

Paffonageffit : defcription of, 9 ; fignifi-
cation of name, 14, 276; grave at,
defecrated, 247 ; Mailer Bubble at,
267; revels at, 276-82; mine hoft,
fachem of, 289. {See Mt. Wollafton.)

Pallors. {See Minifters.)

Patent of Maffachufetts : granted, 31 ;
brought over by Endicott, 305 ; its
cafe, ib.^ 7t.

Paul's Walk, 298, n.

Pawtucket, 124.

Peabody, W. B. O., referred to, 189,

192.
Peddock, Leonard, 130, n.
Peddock's liland, 130, n.
Pemaquid, 244.
Penelope, 281.

Pennacook, the Bridal of ^ 155, n.
Peftilence among Indians in 1616-7,

II, 120, 130-4; nature of, 133, n.\

Squanto's fraud about, 245.
Phaethon, 293.

Phaos box, 280, 297; explained, 345, n.
Phar/alia, May's continuation of, quo-
ted, 141, n.
Pheafants, 194.
Phillips, Rev. George, 326.
Phillips Creek, Weymouth, fite of

Weffaguffet fetdement, 3.
Phlegethon, 314.
Phoebus, 293.
Phylhs 273.
Pike, 227.
Pilchers, 226.

Pillory and whetftone, 300, n.
Pine-trees, 184.

Pipe-ftaves as merchandife, 182.
Pifcataqua, 30; Hiltons and Thomfon

at, 22, 25, 255, n.
Plague. {See Peftilence.)
Plaice, 226.
Plantations, Foreign, board of Lords

Commifftoners of. {See Lords Com-

mifftoners.)
Plato, Indians pra6life Commonwealth

of, 177.
"Plough patent" in Maine, 85.
Plymouth, 30; fetders at, in 1628, 25 ;

Morton carried to, 29; Indians about

Index.

377

deftroyed by peflilence, 133, n. ; Bil-
lington hanged at, 217, n. ; population
of, in 1634, 230, n. ; Samofet's ap-
pearance at, 244 ; treatment of Wef-
ton at, 245-6, 255-7 ; people of, at
Paffonageffit 247, n. ; Morton vifits,
259 ; cattle at, 260 ; Lyford and Old-
ham at, 262-4 ; reordination of min-
ifters at, 262; no veffel arrives at, in
June 1628, 289, n. ; Chriflmas at,
294, n. ; Morton arrives again at,
304 ; minifters at, 325, n. ; Book of
Common Prayer at, 332, n.

Pocahontas, "a well-featured but wan-
ton young girl," 145, n.

Porcupines, 211.

Portland, Earl of, 60.

Portland Harbor, 221, n.

Potomac, the, 236, 239.

Powahs, Indian, 139, n.^ 150, n.^ 152,
n.

Pratt, Phineas, cited, 131, «., 132,
n.

Praying, manner of, 334.

Priapus, 94, 205, 281.

Privy Council: petition to, againft Maf-
fachufetts Company, 51 ; order of,
flopping emigration to New Eng-
land, 56, 333, n.

Proclamations, royal : about fire-arms,
20 ; not law, 26 ; violation of, pun-
ifhable in Star Chamber, 35.

Procruftes, 335.

Proteus, 94, 281.

Purchafe, Mr., cures himfelf of fci-
atica, 207, n.

Purification of women, 331.

Putnam, F. W., 131, n.., 227, n.

Pygmalion, 315.

Pythagoras, 329, «.

Quackfalver, punifhment of, 299.
Quail, in New England, 194.
Quebec, capture of, by Kirk, 235, n.
Quincy: feal of town of, iq; flate in,

216, 71.
Quo warranto proceedings to fet afide

Maffachufetts Charter, 74, ']']^ 82, 86.

Rabbits, 204, 211.

Rabelais, 94.

Raccoon, 207.

Rafdall: a partner of Wollafton, i;

follows him to Virginia, 13 ; difap-

pears, 15.
Ratchff, Philip: before Privy Council,

50 ; thought a lunatic, 56 ; promifed

cropping of Winthrop's ears, 62, 64 ;

called Faircloath, 316, 340; )])unifh-

ment of, 316-8.
Rattlefnakes, 213 ; antidotes to poifon

of, 213, 214, n.
Rats, 214.
Razor-fhell, 227.
Readings, conje6lural, 105.
Red-lead, 219.

Reordination. (^See Minifters.)
Reprodu6lions, flavifhnefs of, 104.
Reynolds, Dr. John, 331, n.
Rhadamanthus, 293, 294, 309.
Rhode Ifland, Morton in, ^6.
Richmond Ifland : Walter Bagnall at,

200, n.^ 218, n. ; coins found on, ib. ;

whetftones at, 217 ; vefTels at, 221.
Rigby, Alexander, 84.
Ring, ufe of, in marriage, 331.
Rogers, Mr., preacher at Plymouth,

325, ;^.

3 78

Index.

Running footmen, 329, n.
Rupert, Prince, 83.

Sables, value of, 205, n,

Sal, Ille of, 116, n.y 117, n.^ 343, n.

Salem: fuffering at, in 1629-30, 42;
a do6lor made at, 298 ; Dr. Fuller
at, 299 5 Endicott holds a court at,
306 ; ordination of minifters at, 306 ;
Morton at, 306, 325, n, ; church of,
abufed by Ratcliflf, 317, ;2. ; church
of, vilified, 317-8; ufe of Common
Prayer at, 332, n.

Salmon, 224.

Salt: abundance of, in tropics, 117;
ufe of, unknown among Indians,
161, 175, n. ; given to them by Mor-
ton, 161.

Saltonftall, Sir Richard, 43 ; before
Privy Council, 51, 61.

Samofet, 244, n.

Samfon, 281.

Sanaconquam, an Indian god, 167.

Sanderling, 191.

Sandpiper, 191.

Sargent, Profeffor C. S., 182, n.

Savage, James, cited, 30, n.

Scallops, 227.

Scent, acutenefs of Indian, 166.

Sciatica, cured by raccoon greafe, 207.

Scogan, John, 278 ; choice of, 281.

Scotland: policy of Charles I. breaks
down in, 78 ; troubles of 1638 in, 82.

Scylla, 278, 280.

Sea-ficknefs, 298.

Sequeftration, in New Canaan^ 308.

Serat, 204.

Sefick, 213.

Shackles : poffibly Afpinwall, 319 ;

whips Faircloath, 320; fed by Mor-
ton, 321 ; burns Morton's houfe, 337.
Shad, 225.

Shakefpeare, William, 98.
Shawmut, 12. [215-20.

Shaler, Profeffor N. S., notes by,
Shell-heaps : at Cotuit, 131, n.'j origin

of, 226, n.
Ships, number of engaged in fiflieries,

221.
Shoals, Ifles of, 29, 289, 296, 302.
Shrimpe, Captaine. {See Standifti.)
Silver in New England, 220, n.
Simpes, 191.
Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 39, 300, n.,

325, n.] called Eager, 306.
Slafter, Rev. E. F., quoted, 234, n.
Slate : in Quincy and Weymouth,

216, n.', at Richmond Ifland, 217, n.
Smart, Captain, brings over falcons to

the king, 196, n.
Smelts, 225.
Smith, John, 95 ; quoted, i, n.^ 136,

n., 144, n., 147, n.^ 150, n.
Smith, Ralfe, 325, n.
Snakes, 212.
Snipes, 191.
Socrates, quoted, 327.
Solomon : fayings of, quoted, 119, 127,

228 ; referred to, 184.
Sommers, Will, 253.
South Lancafter, Mafs., elks in, 200, n.
South Sea, 239.
« Sparke," 160.
Sparrow-hawks, 198. •
Spruce-trees, 185.
Squanto, 271, n.] made ufe of by

Chickatawbut, 164 ; kidnapped,

244, n.

Index.

379

Squanto's Chappel : chalkflones at,

216; fountain at, 229.
Squantum, 12, 216, 229; flate at, 216,

n.
Squidraket, Sagamore, 218, n.
Squirrels, 212.
St. Michaels, 343.
St. Paul's Church, 298.
Stam, Jacob Frederick, 100.
Standifli, Miles : kills Indians at Wef-

faguffet, 1 1 ; fent to arrelt Morton,

27 ; threatens to fhoot him, 29, 296 ;

takes offence at Morton, in 1643, 84;

at Welfaguffet, 247, n.\ Captain

Shrimpe, 285-7, 291, n.^ 296; a

quondam drummer, 286 ; called

Minos, 291, n.
Star Chamber, court of, 35.
Stenography, 266.
Sterling, Earl of, 70.
Stones, chapter on, 215-20.
Strachey, Edward, quoted, 145, n.,

147, n., 208, n., 210, n., 215, n.
Strafford, Earl of, 60, 74.
Stubbs, his Anatomy of Abufes cited,

18.
Students of Harvard College, whipped,

319, n.
Sturgeon, 223.
Styx, 293, 314.

Swan, the, Wefton's veffel, 257, n.
Swans, 189.
Swift, Lindfay, quoted, 328, «., 335, n.,

345, ri.

Tantoquineo, 152.

Tartars, fuppofed defcent of Indians

from, 125.
TafTell gentles, 196-7.

Teal, kinds of, in New England,
190.

Temperwell, Jofhua. {See Winthrop,
John.)

Thomfon, David: at Pifcataqua, 24;
moves to Boffcon Bay, 24 ; on origin
of Indians, 128; authorities concern-
ing, 128.

"Thorough," Gorges policy, the New
England branch of, 60, 74.

Tin, in New England, 220.

Titta, 148.

Tithes, 333.

Tornadoes, 217.

Trade with Indians, liquor the life of,
20, 174. {See Fire-arms.)

Trade : profits of in New England, 32 ;
regulations of Mailachufetts Com-
pany, 39; difregarded by Morton,
40, 306, 308.

Trade-winds, effeft of, 118.

Traps, to take deer, 202.

Trees : effe6l of burning underbrufh on,
172; where to look for large, 172;
of New England, 182-7.

Triton, 281.

Trojans, fuppofed defcent of Indians
from the, 126-7, 129.

Trout, 227.

Trumbull, J. Hammond : on name of
PafTonageffit, 14 ; notes by, on In-
dian words, 123, 124, 137, 148, r6o,
167, 229 ; his notes to Plaine Deal-
ing referred to, 322-34.

Turbot, 225.

Turkeys: garments made of feathers
of, 142, 144, n.\ hunted by Indians,
162; wild, in New England, 192.

Turtledoves, 180.

Tuttle, C. W., 238, n.

38o

Index.

Univerfities, vilified in New England,

281-2.
Uttaquatock, 216.

Venice, 281.

Venus, 265, 315, 345.

Vermilion, 219.

Virgil, quoted, 217, 260, 345.

Virginia : prices of furs in, in 1650, 205,
n. ; wolves in, 208, n. ; corn not
planted in, 225 ; inferiority of, to
New England, 228, 229, n.^ 233,
265 ; the '-barren doe" of, 264, 276 ;
population of, 265 ; execution in,
342.

Walnut, the, 183.

Wampum, 157-9, 301.

Wampumpeack. {See Wampum.)

Warham, Rev. John, 322, n.^ 325, n.

Warwick, Earl of, had no influence at
Court, 52.

Wafhburne, John, 305, n.

Walford, Thomas : moves from Wefla-
guffet to Mifhawum, 24 ; an Epif-
copalian, 94.

Weffaguffet: plantations at, 2, 246;
Robert Gorges at, 3 ; difperfion of
his fettlement, 4 ; Indians killed at,
by Standifh, 11, 247, nr, locality
of, 12 ; reparation of fettlers at, in
1628, 24; Morton arretted at, 27, 282,
290, n. ; Epifcopalians, 95 ; thofe
dwelling at, 162, n. ; mufcle-bank at,
227 ; Ikirmifh at, 247 ; the hanging
at, 249-51 ; fettlers killed at, 253-

4 ; Lyford at, 264 ; Morton at, in
winter, 268; Indians compound theft
at, 269 ; bring Bubble's things to,
271. (6^^^ Weymouth.)

Wefton, Andrew : comes to New Eng-
land in Charity^ 7 ; takes an Indian
boy back to England, 130, n.\ date
of his voyage, 130, n.

Wefton, Thomas : eftablifhes a planta-
tion at Weffaguffet, 2 ; account of,
245-6; his men killed by Indians,
252 ; comes to New England, 255-7 ;
treatment of, 257-9, 261.

Wethercock, Mr., 337, 342-3.

Weymouth, 2 ; flate and limeftone in,
216, n. {See Weffaguffet.)

Whetftones, 124, 216; at Richmond
Ifland, 217; punifliment of pillory
and, 299, n. {See Cos.)

Whipping-poft, 274, 319, n.

White, William and Sufannah, 330, n.

Whitney, Profeffor J. D., on Ifle of
Sal and poifonous fifh, 116.

Whitney, George, quoted, loi.

Whittier, J. G., 155, n.

Widgeon, 191.

Widow, the, 323. {See Deaconefs.)

Wiggin, Thomas : cited in regard to
Morton, 5 ; before Privy Council,
52 ; quoted, 320, n.

Wigwams, defcribed, 134-8.

Wildrake, 92.

Williams, Edward, quoted, 182, n.

Williams, Roger, quoted, 16, 17, 124,
n., 125, n., 136, n., 137? ^; 146, n.,
149, n., 158, n., i59» ^-^ ^^^' ^•' ^^i,
n., 194, n., 202, «., 207, n., 221, n.y
232, n.

Willis, William, 218, ;^.

Wilfon, Rev. John, 325, n.

Index.

381

Winnifimmet, 25, 30, n.^ 300, n., 301 ;
origin of name of, 229, n. \ fountain
at, 229, 265.

Winnepurkitt, the marriage of, 155.

Winflow, Governor Edward, 95 ;
quoted, 16, 125, n., 140, n., 145, n.,
149, n.\ fent to England in 1634,
64 ; fails, 65 ; reaches London, ()"] ;
petitions Lords Commiffioners, dZ ;
put in Fleet prifon, 69, 322, n. ;
defcribes Morton at Plymouth in
1648, 84 ; goes on miffion to Maffa-
foit, 136, n. ; marriage of, 330, n.

"Winfor, Juftin, 99.

Winthrop, Governor John, 43, 81, 95 ;
arrival of, in New England, 42, 310 ;
impofes fentence on Morton, 44, 31 1 ;
has warrant for Morton's arreft, 47,
311 ; criticifm of, on complaint to
Privy Council, 50; rejoices over
failure of complaint, ^2>\ "King
Winthrop," 63 ; receives letter of
Morton to Jeffreys, 6^ ; Gorges re-
fers to patience of, 80 ; excufes not
fending out charter in 1638, 83
on arreft of Morton in 1644, 86
quoted, 91, 150, n.^ 218, /z., 230, n.
abfence of humor in, 98; courfe
towards Bagnall, 218, n.\ called
Jofhua, 301 ; referred to as Tem-
perwell, 302, 310, 314, 318, 320, 335,
340 ; degrades gentry, 313 ; has
Ratcliff whipped, 320 ; refponfible
for wants of fettlement, 321 ; upon
civil marriages, 330, n. ; on Book of
Common Prayer, 332, n.\ methods
of, as judge, 334-6 ; courfe towards
Sir C. Gardiner, 340.

"Without, them that are," 316, 321,
332.

Woburn: galena found in, 219; filver
ore, 220, n.

WoUafton, fa6ts concerning name of,
1, n. {See Mount Wollafton.)

Wollafton, Captain: fettles at MafTa-
chufetts, I ; compofition of his com-
pany, 4; leaves Maffachufetts, 12;
fells his fervants in Virginia, 13 ;
tradition as to death of, 15.

Wolves : deer perfecuted by, 203 ;
black, value of furs of, 207, n.^
209 ; defcription of, 208-9.

Wonder- Working Providence^ quoted,
94, 300, n.

Wood, William, 217.

Woodcock, 191, n.

Woodman, "Auld," 216.

Wood's Profpe5i : quoted, 16, 95, 129,
137, n., 138, n., 139, n., 140, n., 143,
n., 150, n., 160, n.j 168, ?z., 184, «.,
186, «., 189, n.^ 191, n.^ 192, n., 198,
n., 200, n.^ 206, n.^ 208, n.^ 210, ;z.,
213, n.^ 223, n., 224, n., 230, «., 238,
n.\ referred to, 139, 141, 154, 172,
182, n.^ 184, n., 200, «., 217, 221, ;/.,
233; when written, 233.

Worcefter : black-lead found in, 219,
n. ; country of Nipnets, 240, n.

Wotawquenauge, 254.

Wrentham, black-lead found in, 219,;;.

Wrington, Samuel Fuller born in, 298.

Wunamwzau^ 123.

York, Archbiihop of, 60.

York, Maine. {See Acomenticus.)

Zones, the : New England, how placed
in, 115-22; Ariftotle's theory of, 117.

vA^

Council of tl^e prince ^ociet^.

1883.

EDMUND F. SLAFTER.
JOHN WARD DEAN.
WILLIAM B. TRASK.
CHARLES H. BELL.
JOHN MARSHALL BROWN.
HENRY W. FOOTE. \r^'^'"
DAVID GREENE HA^SKINS, Jr.
ELBRIDGE H. GOSS.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION LIBRARIES

3 9088 00079 6995

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